Joiners Theories Of Suicide Analysis

Wednesday, December 1, 2021 4:48:36 AM

Joiners Theories Of Suicide Analysis



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The show ran for ten seasons from to , which increased Reagan's national profile. They announced their engagement at the Chicago Theatre [65] and married on January 26, , at the Wee Kirk o' the Heather church in Glendale , California. Reagan met actress Nancy Davis — [72] [73] in after she contacted him in his capacity as president of the Screen Actors Guild. He helped her with issues regarding her name appearing on a Communist blacklist in Hollywood; she had been mistaken for another Nancy Davis. She described their meeting by saying, "I don't know if it was exactly love at first sight, but it was pretty close.

They had two children: Patti b. The couple's relationship was close, authentic and intimate. They never stopped courting. We were very much in love and still are. When I say my life began with Ronnie, well, it's true. It did. I can't imagine life without him. Reagan began as a Hollywood Democrat , and Franklin D. Roosevelt was "a true hero" to him. In his early political career, he joined numerous political committees with a left-wing orientation, such as the American Veterans Committee.

He fought against Republican-sponsored right-to-work legislation and supported Helen Gahagan Douglas in when she was defeated for the Senate by Richard Nixon. It was his belief that Communists were a powerful backstage influence in those groups that led him to rally his friends against them. At rallies, Reagan frequently spoke with a strong ideological dimension. In December , he was stopped from leading an anti-nuclear rally in Hollywood by pressure from the Warner Bros. He would later make nuclear weapons a key point of his presidency when he specifically stated his opposition to mutual assured destruction. Reagan also built on previous efforts to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. Truman and appeared on stage with him during a campaign speech in Los Angeles.

Eisenhower and and Richard Nixon He also traveled across the country to give motivational speeches to over , GE employees. His many speeches—which he wrote himself—were non-partisan but carried a conservative, pro-business message; he was influenced by Lemuel Boulware , a senior GE executive. Boulware, known for his tough stance against unions and his innovative strategies to win over workers, championed the core tenets of modern American conservatism: free markets , anticommunism , lower taxes, and limited government. The party left me. When the legislation that would become Medicare was introduced in , he created a recording for the American Medical Association AMA warning that such legislation would mean the end of freedom in America.

Reagan said that if his listeners did not write letters to prevent it, "we will awake to find that we have socialism. And if you don't do this, and if I don't do it, one of these days, you and I are going to spend our sunset years telling our children, and our children's children, what it once was like in America when men were free. Reagan gained national attention in his speeches for conservative presidential contender Barry Goldwater in He consolidated themes that he had developed in his talks for GE to deliver his famous speech, " A Time for Choosing ":.

The Founding Fathers knew a government can't control the economy without controlling people. And they knew when a government sets out to do that, it must use force and coercion to achieve its purpose. So we have come to a time for choosing You and I are told we must choose between a left or right, but I suggest there is no such thing as a left or right. There is only an up or down. Up to man's age-old dream—the maximum of individual freedom consistent with order—or down to the ant heap of totalitarianism. This "A Time for Choosing" speech was not enough to turn around the faltering Goldwater campaign, but it was the crucial event that established Reagan's national political visibility.

David Broder of The Washington Post called it, "the most successful national political debut since William Jennings Bryan electrified the Democratic convention with his Cross of Gold speech". California Republicans were impressed with Reagan's political views and charisma after his "Time for Choosing" speech, [] and in late he announced his campaign for governor in the election.

In Reagan's campaign, he emphasized two main themes: "to send the welfare bums back to work", and, in reference to burgeoning anti-war and anti-establishment student protests at the University of California, Berkeley , "to clean up the mess at Berkeley". Reagan was sworn in on January 2, In his first term, he froze government hiring and approved tax hikes to balance the budget. Shortly after assuming office, Reagan tested the presidential waters as part of a "Stop Nixon" movement, hoping to cut into Nixon's southern support [] and become a compromise candidate [] if neither Nixon nor second-place candidate Nelson Rockefeller received enough delegates to win on the first ballot at the Republican convention.

However, by the time of the convention, Nixon had delegate votes, 25 more than he needed to secure the nomination, followed by Rockefeller with Reagan in third place. Reagan was involved in several high-profile conflicts with the protest movements of the era, including his public criticism of university administrators for tolerating student demonstrations at the Berkeley campus. On May 15, , during the People's Park protests at the university's campus the original purpose of which was to discuss the Arab—Israeli conflict , Reagan sent the California Highway Patrol and other officers to quell the protests. This led to an incident that became known as "Bloody Thursday", resulting in the death of student James Rector and the blinding of carpenter Alan Blanchard.

Reagan then called out 2, state National Guard troops to occupy the city of Berkeley for two weeks to crack down on the protesters. No more appeasement. Early in , the national debate on abortion was starting to gain traction. In the early stages of the debate, Democratic California state senator Anthony Beilenson introduced the Therapeutic Abortion Act in an effort to reduce the number of "back-room abortions" performed in California. After he recognized what he called the "consequences" of the bill, he announced that he was anti-abortion. In , Reagan signed the Mulford Act , which repealed a law allowing the public carrying of loaded firearms becoming California Penal Code and c. The bill, which was named after Republican assemblyman Don Mulford , garnered national attention after the Black Panthers marched bearing arms upon the California State Capitol to protest it.

Despite an unsuccessful attempt to force a recall election on Reagan in , [] he was re-elected governor in , defeating Jesse M. He chose not to seek a third term in the following election cycle. One of Reagan's greatest frustrations in office was the controversy of capital punishment , which he strongly supported. Anderson decision, which invalidated all death sentences issued in California before , though the decision was later overturned by a constitutional amendment. The only execution during Reagan's governorship was on April 12, , when Aaron Mitchell 's sentence was carried out by the state in San Quentin 's gas chamber. In , Reagan signed the Family Law Act, which was an amalgam of two bills that had been written and revised by the California State Legislature over more than two years.

Reagan's terms as governor helped to shape the policies he would pursue in his later political career as president. By campaigning on a platform of sending "the welfare bums back to work", he spoke out against the idea of the welfare state. He also strongly advocated the Republican ideal of less government regulation of the economy, including that of undue federal taxation. Reagan's campaign relied on a strategy crafted by campaign manager John Sears of winning a few primaries early to damage the inevitability of Ford's likely nomination. Reagan won North Carolina, Texas, and California, but the strategy failed, as [] he ended up losing New Hampshire, Florida, and his native Illinois.

Much of the credit for that victory came from the work of three co-chairmen, including Ernest Angelo, the mayor of Midland , and Ray Barnhart of Houston , whom Reagan as president would appoint in as director of the Federal Highway Administration. However, as the GOP convention neared, Ford appeared close to victory. Acknowledging his party's moderate wing, Reagan chose moderate senator Richard Schweiker of Pennsylvania as his running mate if nominated. Nonetheless, Ford prevailed with 1, delegates to Reagan's 1, Reagan's concession speech emphasized the dangers of nuclear war and the threat posed by the Soviet Union.

Though he lost the nomination, he received write-in votes in New Hampshire, votes as an independent on Wyoming's ballot, and a single electoral vote from a faithless elector in the November election from the state of Washington. In , conservative state legislator John Briggs , sponsored a ballot initiative for the November 7, California state election the Briggs Initiative that sought to ban gays and lesbians from working in California's public schools. He issued an informal letter of opposition to the initiative, told reporters that he was opposed, and wrote an editorial in the Los Angeles Herald-Examiner opposing it.

The timing of Reagan's opposition was significant, and surprised many, because he was then preparing to run for president, a race in which he would need the support of conservatives and those moderates who were uncomfortable with homosexual teachers. At that very moment, he was actively courting leaders from the religious right , including Jerry Falwell , who would go on to form the Moral Majority to fight out such culture war issues the following year. Prevailing scientific opinion is that an individual's sexuality is determined at a very early age and that a child's teachers do not really influence this.

The presidential election featured Reagan against incumbent president Jimmy Carter and was conducted amid a multitude of domestic concerns as well as the ongoing Iran hostage crisis. Reagan's campaign stressed some of his fundamental principles: lower taxes to stimulate the economy, [] less government interference in people's lives, [] states' rights , [] and a strong national defense. Reagan launched his campaign with an indictment of a federal government that he believed had "overspent, overstimulated, and overregulated". After receiving the Republican nomination, Reagan selected one of his opponents from the primaries, George H. Bush , to be his running mate.

His relaxed and confident appearance during the televised Reagan—Carter debate on October 28 boosted his popularity and helped to widen his lead in the polls. On November 4, Reagan won a decisive victory over Carter, carrying 44 states and receiving electoral votes to Carter's 49 in six states plus D. He also won the popular vote, receiving Anderson garnering 6. Republicans also won a majority of seats in the Senate for the first time since , though Democrats retained a majority in the House of Representatives.

During his presidency, Reagan pursued policies that reflected his personal belief in individual freedom, brought economic changes, expanded the military and contributed to the end of the Cold War. The diaries were published in May in the bestselling book The Reagan Diaries. Reagan was 69 years, days of age when he was sworn into office for his first term on January 20, , making him the oldest first-term president at the time. He held this distinction until , when Donald Trump was inaugurated at age 70 years, days, though Reagan was older upon being inaugurated for his second term. Reagan campaigned vigorously to restore organized prayer to the schools, first as a moment of prayer and later as a moment of silence. Vitale that had prohibited state officials from composing an official state prayer and requiring that it be recited in the public schools.

No person shall be required by the United States or by any state to participate in prayer. Although "close to death" upon arrival at George Washington University Hospital , Reagan was stabilized in the emergency room, then underwent emergency exploratory surgery. He had pledged during his presidential campaign that he would appoint the first woman to the Court [] On September 21, O'Connor was confirmed by the U. Senate with a vote of 99—0. In August , PATCO , the union of federal air traffic controllers, went on strike , violating a federal law prohibiting government unions from striking. During Jimmy Carter's last full year in office , inflation averaged Reagan implemented neoliberal policies based on supply-side economics , advocating a laissez-faire philosophy and free-market fiscal policy, [] seeking to stimulate the economy with large, across-the-board tax cuts.

Gold Commission to study how one could be implemented. Citing the economic theories of Arthur Laffer , Reagan promoted the proposed tax cuts as potentially stimulating the economy enough to expand the tax base, offsetting the revenue loss due to reduced rates of taxation, a theory that entered political discussion as the Laffer curve. Reaganomics was the subject of debate with supporters pointing to improvements in certain key economic indicators as evidence of success, and critics pointing to large increases in federal budget deficits and the national debt. During Reagan's presidency, federal income tax rates were lowered significantly with the signing of the Economic Recovery Tax Act of , [] which lowered the top marginal tax bracket from 70 percent to 50 percent over three years as part of a "5—10—10" plan , [] and the lowest bracket from 14 percent to 11 percent.

Other tax increases passed by Congress and signed by Reagan ensured, however, that tax revenues over his two terms were The top rate was dropped to 28 percent, but capital gains taxes were increased on those with the highest incomes from 20 percent to 28 percent. The increase of the lowest tax bracket from 11 percent to 15 percent was more than offset by the expansion of personal exemption, standard deduction , and earned income tax credit. The net result was the removal of six million poor Americans from the income tax roll and a reduction of income tax liability at all income levels. The net effect of all Reagan-era tax bills was a 1 percent decrease in government revenues when compared to Treasury Department revenue estimates from the administration's first post-enactment January budgets.

Reagan's policies proposed that economic growth would occur when marginal tax rates were low enough to spur investment, which would then lead to higher employment and wages. Critics labeled this " trickle-down economics "—the belief that tax policies that benefit the wealthy will create a "trickle-down" effect reaching the poor. Clinton's tax increase. Reagan was opposed to government intervention, and he cut the budgets of non-military [] programs [] including Medicaid , food stamps , federal education programs [] and the EPA. The administration's stance toward the savings and loan industry contributed to the savings and loan crisis.

A minority of the critics of Reaganomics also suggested that the policies partially influenced the stock market crash of , [] but there is no consensus regarding a single source for the crash. Reagan ended the price controls on domestic oil that had contributed to the energy crises of — and the summer of Bush, reneged on his campaign promise and resorted to raising taxes. During Reagan's presidency, a program was initiated within the United States Intelligence Community to ensure America's economic strength. The program, Project Socrates , developed and demonstrated the means required for the United States to generate and lead the next evolutionary leap in technology acquisition and utilization for a competitive advantage—automated innovation.

To ensure that the United States acquired the maximum benefit from automated innovation, Reagan, during his second term, had an executive order drafted to create a new federal agency to implement the Project Socrates results on a nationwide basis. However, Reagan's term came to an end before the executive order could be coordinated and signed, and the incoming Bush administration, labeling Project Socrates as "industrial policy", had it terminated.

The Reagan administration was often criticized for inadequately enforcing, if not actively undermining, civil rights legislation. Reagan had argued that the legislation infringed on states' rights and the rights of churches and business owners. It hurt the Soviet economy, but it also caused ill will among American allies in Europe who counted on that revenue. Reagan retreated on this issue. In , journalist Nicholas Lemann interviewed Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger and summarized the strategy of the Reagan administration to roll back the Soviet Union:.

Their society is economically weak, and it lacks the wealth, education, and technology to enter the information age. They have thrown everything into military production, and their society is starting to show terrible stress as a result. They can't sustain military production the way we can. Eventually it will break them, and then there will be just one superpower in a safe world—if, only if, we can keep spending. Lemann noted that when he wrote that in , he thought the Reaganites were living in a fantasy world. But by , Lemann stated that the passage represents "a fairly uncontroversial description of what Reagan actually did". Reagan and the United Kingdom's prime minister Margaret Thatcher both denounced the Soviet Union in ideological terms.

After Soviet fighters downed Korean Air Lines Flight near Moneron Island on September 1, , carrying people, including Georgia congressman Larry McDonald , Reagan labeled the act a "massacre" and declared that the Soviets had turned "against the world and the moral precepts which guide human relations among people everywhere". Under a policy that came to be known as the Reagan Doctrine , Reagan and his administration also provided overt and covert aid to anti-communist resistance movements in an effort to " rollback " Soviet-backed communist governments in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

They were instrumental in training, equipping and leading Mujahideen forces against the Soviet Army. In one instance, in , this practice enabled the government to identify and purge communists from its ministries and to virtually eliminate the pro-Soviet infrastructure in Iran. In March , Reagan introduced the Strategic Defense Initiative SDI , a defense project [] that would have used ground- and space-based systems to protect the United States from attack by strategic nuclear ballistic missiles.

Though supported by leading American conservatives who argued that Reagan's foreign policy strategy was essential to protecting U. Reagan had said that Montt was getting a "bum rap", [] and described him as "a man of great personal integrity". Although unsuccessful with that, the administration was successful in providing nonmilitary assistance such as USAID. The American peacekeeping forces in Beirut , a part of a multinational force during the Lebanese Civil War, were attacked on October 23, The Beirut barracks bombing killed American servicemen and wounded more than 60 others by a suicide truck bomber. He then withdrew all the Marines from Lebanon. On October 25, , Reagan ordered U. George's University as adequate reasons to invade.

Operation Urgent Fury was the first major military operation conducted by U. Several days of fighting commenced, resulting in a U. Reagan accepted the Republican nomination in the Republican convention in Dallas, Texas. He proclaimed that it was " morning again in America ", regarding the recovering economy and the dominating performance by the American athletes at the Summer Olympics on home soil, among other things.

Reagan's opponent in the presidential election was former vice president Walter Mondale. Following a weak performance in the first presidential debate, Reagan's ability to win another term was questioned. I am not going to exploit, for political purposes, my opponent's youth and inexperience". This remark generated applause and laughter, even from Mondale himself. That November, Reagan won a landslide re-election victory, carrying 49 of the 50 states. Mondale won only his home state of Minnesota and the District of Columbia.

Roosevelt 's victory over Alf Landon , in which he won His popular vote margin of victory—nearly Reagan was sworn in as president for the second time on January 20, , in a private ceremony at the White House. At the time, the year-old Reagan was the oldest person to take the presidential oath of office; this record was later surpassed by Joe Biden , who was 78 at his inauguration in January 21 was one of the coldest days on record in Washington, D. In response to concerns about the increasing crack epidemic , Reagan began the war on drugs campaign in , a policy led by the federal government to reduce the illegal drug trade. Though Nixon had previously declared war on drugs, Reagan advocated more aggressive policies.

Nancy Reagan traveled to 65 cities in 33 states, raising awareness about the dangers of drugs, including alcohol. Arno, the Reagan administration largely ignored the AIDS crisis , which began to unfold in the United States in , the same year Reagan took office. By the time President Reagan gave his first prepared speech on the epidemic, six years into his presidency, 36, Americans had been diagnosed with AIDS, and 20, had died of it. From the late s onward, the American public grew increasingly vocal in its opposition to the apartheid policy of the white- minority government of South Africa , and in its insistence that the U. He also noted the fact that the "American-owned industries there employ more than 80, blacks" and that their employment practices were "very different from the normal South African customs".

As an alternative strategy for opposing apartheid, the Reagan Administration developed a policy of constructive engagement with the South African government as a means of encouraging it to move away from apartheid gradually. It was part of a larger initiative designed to foster peaceful economic development and political change throughout southern Africa. Reagan vetoed the act, but the veto was overridden by Congress.

Afterward, Reagan reiterated that his administration and "all America" opposed apartheid, and said, "the debate Stating that there was "irrefutable proof" that Libya had directed the "terrorist bombing", Reagan authorized the use of force against the country. In the late evening of April 15, , the United States launched a series of airstrikes on ground targets in Libya. Air Force to use Britain's air bases to launch the attack, on the justification that the UK was supporting America's right to self-defense under Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Reagan signed the Immigration Reform and Control Act in The act made it illegal to knowingly hire or recruit illegal immigrants , required employers to attest to their employee's immigration status, and granted amnesty to approximately three million illegal immigrants who entered the United States before January 1, , and had lived in the country continuously.

Upon signing the act at a ceremony held beside the newly refurbished Statue of Liberty , Reagan said, "The legalization provisions in this act will go far to improve the lives of a class of individuals who now must hide in the shadows, without access to many of the benefits of a free and open society. Very soon, many of these men and women will be able to step into the sunlight and, ultimately, if they choose, they may become Americans.

It will remove the incentive for illegal immigration by eliminating the job opportunities which draw illegal aliens here. In , the Iran—Contra affair became a problem for the administration stemming from the use of proceeds from covert arms sales to Iran during the Iran—Iraq War to fund the Contra rebels fighting against the government in Nicaragua , which had been specifically outlawed by an act of Congress. President Reagan professed that he was unaware of the plot's existence. He opened his own investigation and appointed two Republicans and one Democrat, John Tower , Brent Scowcroft and Edmund Muskie , respectively, to investigate the scandal. The commission could not find direct evidence that Reagan had prior knowledge of the program, but criticized him heavily for his disengagement from managing his staff, making the diversion of funds possible.

Many Central Americans criticize Reagan for his support of the Contras, calling him an anti-communist zealot, blinded to human rights abuses, while others say he "saved Central America". In , near the end of the Iran—Iraq War, the U. The incident further worsened already tense Iran—United States relations. Until the early s, the United States had relied on the qualitative superiority of its weapons to essentially frighten the Soviets, but the gap had been narrowed.

At the same time, oil prices in fell to one third of the previous level; oil was the primary source of Soviet export revenues. These factors contributed to a stagnant Soviet economy during Mikhail Gorbachev 's tenure. Meanwhile, Reagan escalated the rhetoric. In his famous speech to religious fundamentalists, he outlined his strategy for victory. First, he labeled the Soviet system an " Evil Empire " and a failure—its demise would be a godsend for the world. Second, Reagan explained his strategy was an arms buildup that would leave the Soviets far behind, with no choice but to negotiate arms reduction.

Finally, displaying his characteristic optimism, he praised liberal democracy and promised that such a system eventually would triumph over Soviet communism. Reagan appreciated the revolutionary change in the direction of the Soviet policy with Mikhail Gorbachev , and shifted to diplomacy, intending to encourage the Soviet leader to pursue substantial arms agreements. To the astonishment of the world, and the chagrin of Reagan's most conservative supporters, they agreed to abolish all nuclear weapons. Gorbachev then asked the end of SDI.

Reagan said no, claiming that it was defensive only, and that he would share the secrets with the Soviets. No deal was achieved. Speaking at the Berlin Wall on June 12, , five years after his first visit to West Berlin as president, Reagan challenged Gorbachev to go further, saying "General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization, come here to this gate! Gorbachev, open this gate! Gorbachev, tear down this wall! When Reagan visited Moscow for the fourth summit in , he was viewed as a celebrity by the Soviets.

A journalist asked the president if he still considered the Soviet Union the evil empire. Early in his presidency, Reagan started wearing a custom-made, technologically advanced hearing aid , first in his right ear [] and later in his left ear as well. On July 13, , Reagan underwent surgery at Bethesda Naval Hospital to remove cancerous polyps from his colon. He relinquished presidential power to the vice president for eight hours in a similar procedure as outlined in the 25th Amendment , which he specifically avoided invoking. In January , Reagan underwent surgery for an enlarged prostate that caused further worries about his health.

No cancerous growths were found, and he was not sedated during the operation. On January 7, , Reagan underwent surgery at Walter Reed Army Medical Center to repair a Dupuytren's contracture of the ring finger of his left hand. The surgery lasted for more than three hours and was performed under regional anesthesia. During the presidential campaign, Reagan pledged that he would appoint the first female Supreme Court Justice if given the opportunity. In his second term, Reagan had three opportunities to fill a Supreme Court vacancy. When Chief Justice Warren E.

Burger retired in September , Reagan nominated incumbent Associate Justice William Rehnquist to succeed Burger as Chief Justice the appointment of an incumbent associate justice as chief justice is subject to a separate confirmation process. Then, following Rehnquist's confirmation, the president named Antonin Scalia to fill the consequent associate justice vacancy. Powell Jr. Reagan initially chose Conservative jurist Robert Bork to succeed Powell. Bork's nomination was strongly opposed by civil and women's rights groups, and by Senate Democrats.

However, before his name was submitted to the Senate, Ginsburg withdrew himself from consideration. Along with his four Supreme Court appointments, Reagan appointed 83 judges to the United States courts of appeals , and judges to the United States district courts. Early in his presidency, Reagan appointed Clarence M. Pendleton Jr. Pendleton tried to steer the commission into a conservative direction in line with Reagan's views on social and civil rights policy during his tenure from until his sudden death in Pendleton soon aroused the ire of many civil rights advocates and feminists when he ridiculed the comparable worth proposal as being " Looney Tunes ".

On April 13, , Reagan was assaulted by an anti-nuclear protester during a luncheon speech while accepting an award from the National Association of Broadcasters in Las Vegas. Flying shards of glass hit Reagan, but he was not injured. Using media credentials, Springer intended to announce government plans for an underground nuclear weapons test in the Nevada desert the following day. Following his arrest on assault charges, a Secret Service spokesman could not explain how Springer got past the federal agents who guarded Reagan's life at all times.

He pled guilty to a misdemeanor federal charge of interfering with the Secret Service, but other felony charges of assault and resisting officers were dropped. They regularly attended Bel Air Church [] and occasionally made appearances on behalf of the Republican Party; Reagan delivered a well-received speech at the Republican National Convention. Five presidents and six first ladies attended the dedication ceremonies, marking the first time that five presidents were gathered in the same location. In August , at the age of 83, Reagan was diagnosed with Alzheimer's disease , [] an incurable neurodegenerative disease which destroys brain cells and ultimately causes death. I have recently been told that I am one of the millions of Americans who will be afflicted with Alzheimer's Disease At the moment I feel just fine.

I intend to live the remainder of the years God gives me on this earth doing the things I have always done I now begin the journey that will lead me into the sunset of my life. I know that for America there will always be a bright dawn ahead. Thank you, my friends. May God always bless you. After his diagnosis, letters of support from well-wishers poured into his California home. How are things in your city?

Stahl wrote that she came close to reporting that Reagan was senile, but by the end of the meeting, he had regained his alertness. Lay observations that Reagan suffered from Alzheimer's while still in office have been widely refuted by medical experts, however, including the many physicians who treated Reagan both during and after his presidency. Hutton, who served from to , said the president "absolutely" did not "show any signs of dementia or Alzheimer's".

An example of which may include when Reagan repeated a toast to Margaret Thatcher, with identical words and gestures, at his 82nd-birthday party on February 6, Reagan did experience occasional memory lapses, though, especially with names. Reagan suffered an episode of head trauma in July , five years before his diagnosis. After being thrown from a horse in Mexico, a subdural hematoma was found and surgically treated later in the year.

As the years went on, Alzheimer's disease slowly destroyed Reagan's mental capacity. Reagan suffered a fall at his Bel Air home on January 13, , resulting in a broken hip. She told CNN's Larry King in that very few visitors were allowed to see her husband because she felt that "Ronnie would want people to remember him as he was. Reagan died of pneumonia , complicated by Alzheimer's disease, [] at his home in the Bel Air district of Los Angeles, California on the afternoon of June 5, We appreciate everyone's prayers. Bush called Reagan's death "a sad hour in the life of America". Reagan's body was taken to the Kingsley and Gates Funeral Home in Santa Monica, California , where well-wishers paid tribute by laying flowers and American flags in the grass.

Reagan's body lay in repose in the Library lobby until June 9; over , people viewed the coffin. Capitol ; [] in thirty-four hours, , people filed past the coffin. Bush and President George W. After the funeral, the Reagan entourage was flown back to the Ronald W. He was also the first U. Reagan's burial site is inscribed with the words he delivered at the opening of the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library: "I know in my heart that man is good, that what is right will always eventually triumph and that there is purpose and worth to each and every life. Since Reagan left office in , substantial debate has occurred among scholars, historians, and the general public surrounding his legacy.

Opinions of Reagan's legacy among the country's leading policymakers and journalists differ as well. Edwin Feulner , president of The Heritage Foundation , said that Reagan "helped create a safer, freer world" and said of his economic policies: "He took an America suffering from 'malaise' Despite the continuing debate surrounding his legacy, many conservative and liberal scholars agree that Reagan has been the most influential president since Franklin D.

Roosevelt , leaving his imprint on American politics, diplomacy, culture, and economics through his effective communication and pragmatic compromising. Heale, since Reagan left office, historians have reached a broad consensus that he rehabilitated conservatism, turned the nation to the right, practiced a considerably pragmatic conservatism that balanced ideology and the constraints of politics, revived faith in the presidency and American exceptionalism , and contributed to victory in the Cold War. He ranked number nine in international relations. Reagan's major achievement was the end of the Cold War as he left office. Furthermore, the USSR and Soviet-sponsored Communist movements worldwide were falling apart—and collapsed completely three years after he left office.

The U. His admirers say he won the Cold War. In , the Kremlin lost control of all its East European satellites. The resulting states were no threat to the United States. Reagan's exact role is debated, with many believing that Reagan's defense policies, economic policies, military policies and hard-line rhetoric against the Soviet Union and Communism—together with his summits with General Secretary Gorbachev—played a significant part in ending the Cold War.

The Soviet economy couldn't endure such competition. Knopf observes that being labeled "evil" probably made no difference to the Soviets but gave encouragement to the East-European citizens opposed to communism. General Secretary Gorbachev said of his former rival's Cold War role: "[He was] a man who was instrumental in bringing about the end of the Cold War", [] and deemed him "a great president".

Truman 's policy of containment is also regarded as a force behind the fall of the USSR, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan undermined the Soviet system itself. Reagan reshaped the Republican party, led the modern conservative movement , and altered the political dynamic of the United States. After leaving office, Reagan became an iconic influence within the Republican Party. The period of American history most dominated by Reagan and his policies that concerned taxes, welfare, defense, the federal judiciary and the Cold War is known today as the Reagan Era.

This time period emphasized that the conservative "Reagan Revolution", led by Reagan, had a permanent impact on the United States in domestic and foreign policy. Bush administration. According to columnist Chuck Raasch, "Reagan transformed the American presidency in ways that only a few have been able to. Reagan's popularity has increased since When Reagan left office in , a CBS poll indicated that he held an approval rating of 68 percent. This figure equaled the approval rating of Franklin D. Roosevelt and was later matched by Bill Clinton , as the highest rating for a departing president in the modern era. The survey of leading historians rated Reagan number 11 in In , the Institute for the Study of the Americas released the first-ever British academic survey to rate U.

This poll of British specialists in U. Reagan's ability to talk about substantive issues with understandable terms and to focus on mainstream American concerns earned him the laudatory moniker "The Great Communicator". But I never thought it was my style that made a difference—it was the content. I wasn't a great communicator, but I communicated great things. Reagan also earned the nickname "the Teflon President", in that public perceptions of him were not tarnished by the controversies that arose during his administration. Public reaction to Reagan was always mixed. He was the oldest president up to that time and was supported by young voters, who began an alliance that shifted many of them to the Republican Party.

However, his support of Israel throughout his presidency earned him support from many Jews. Reagan was known to joke frequently during his lifetime, displayed humor throughout his presidency, [] and was famous for his storytelling. As a microphone test in preparation for his weekly radio address in August , Reagan made the following joke: "My fellow Americans, I'm pleased to tell you today that I've signed legislation that will outlaw Russia forever. We begin bombing in five minutes.

Air Base June 12, While giving a speech celebrating the th anniversary of Berlin, a balloon popped in the front row. Without missing a beat, Reagan quipped "missed me", a reference to his previous assassination attempt in Reagan also had the ability to offer comfort and hope to the nation as a whole at times of tragedy. Following the disintegration of the Space Shuttle Challenger on January 28, The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for their journey and waved goodbye and "slipped the surly bonds of Earth" to "touch the face of God".

Reagan received several awards in his pre- and post-presidential years. In , Reagan was inducted as a Laureate of The Lincoln Academy of Illinois and awarded the Order of Lincoln the state's highest honor by the governor of Illinois in the area of government. This entitled him to the use of the post-nominal letters "GCB" but, as a foreign national, not to be known as "Sir Ronald Reagan". Only two U. Bush; [] Dwight D. Eisenhower received his before becoming president in his capacity as a general after World War II. Reagan was also named an honorary Fellow of Keble College, Oxford. Mikhail Gorbachev then president of Russia , ending the cold war.

Bush, his vice president and successor. It is one of few Navy ships christened in honor of a living person and the first aircraft carrier to be named in honor of a living former president. In the U. Navy and military in both his film career and while he served as president. Congress authorized the creation of the Ronald Reagan Boyhood Home in Dixon, Illinois in , pending federal purchase of the property. After Reagan's death, both major American political parties agreed to erect a statue of Reagan in the place of that of Thomas Starr King. On Independence Day a statue to Reagan was unveiled outside the U. The unveiling was supposed to be attended by Reagan's wife Nancy, but she did not attend; former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice took her place and read a statement on her behalf.

President Reagan's friend and British prime minister during his presidency, Margaret Thatcher, was also unable to attend due to frail health. As a teenager, in Dixon, Illinois. Hosting General Electric Theater. At his home at Rancho del Cielo. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Redirected from Ronald W. For other uses, see Reagan disambiguation and Ronald Reagan disambiguation. The lead section of this article may need to be rewritten. The reason given is: Lead section fails to summarize the main points of the body. Use the lead layout guide to ensure the section follows Wikipedia's norms and is inclusive of all essential details.

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Main article: Iran—Contra affair. Main article: Death and state funeral of Ronald Reagan. Further information: Political positions of Ronald Reagan and Reagan coalition. Further information: List of things named after Ronald Reagan. Finch, Lt. He also served in Nixon's Cabinet and as President's special counselor and campaign manager". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved April 4, San Francisco Chronicle. The New York Times. Retrieved October 29, History: How a Landslide is Measured". Retrieved March 9, CBS News. Retrieved May 15, Illinois Historic Preservation Agency. April 1, Archived from the original PDF on August 7, Retrieved July 27, Retrieved March 22, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library and Museum.

Retrieved March 24, Chicago Sun-Times. Archived from the original on December 2, Retrieved June 12, The Boston Globe. Retrieved January 17, Retrieved March 17, July 25, — via www. Presidential Studies Quarterly. JSTOR Restoring the First-century Church in the Twenty-first Century. Wipf and Stock. ISBN Mayer, Michael Schaller, John W. Sloan, Ch. American Experience. Season Episode 6. February 23, Retrieved October 9, Retrieved June 30, Miller Center. Retrieved August 30, The Washington Post. Retrieved January 26, Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation. Archived from the original on March 12, Retrieved March 28, The Argus Melbourne, Vic.

Melbourne, Vic. October 4, Retrieved April 24, Where's the Rest of Me? New York: Duell, Sloan, and Pearce. TCM website. Turner Classic Movies. Retrieved March 29, City of nets: a portrait of Hollywood in the s. University of California Press reprint. Archived from the original on July 1, Retrieved November 10, United States Navy. Archived from the original on October 30, Retrieved March 7, Archived from the original on December 22, Retrieved December 30, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. Retrieved June 22, Archived from the original on April 4, September 12, [Originally published December 16, ].

Retrieved October 19, The Atlantic. New York, New York: W. Reagan's America: Innocents at Home. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. September 9, Chicago Tribune. Retrieved October 20, Hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities. US GPO. Retrieved April 9, January 1, CBS Interactive Inc. Retrieved August 25, Metzger, Robert Paul. University of Pennsylvania. May 8, Retrieved May 17, Retrieved December 31, Retrieved September 5, National Constitution Center. Archived from the original on November 5, Retrieved July 12, Archived from the original on November 12, NBC News.

Retrieved March 6, BBC News. June 5, Retrieved March 21, Archived from the original on July 8, Retrieved January 13, — via National Archives. Archived from the original on June 28, Retrieved August 15, June 9, Retrieved May 25, Yager Ronald Reagan's Journey: Democrat to Republican. Johns, ed. David Woodard Ronald Reagan: A Biography. Nuclear Weapons Policy". July 20, Retrieved April 14, An American Life: The Autobiography. Daynes, Theodore J. Lowi Moral Controversies in American Politics 4th ed. Retrieved April 17, Ritter, "Ronald Reagan and 'the speech': The rhetoric of public relations politics. Washington, D. June 16, California State Library. The Western Political Quarterly. UC Berkeley News. Retrieved March 30, Dave Leip's Atlas of U.

Presidential Elections. February 26, March 8, Archived from the original on November 14, Retrieved October 16, February 16, Archived from the original on February 8, And yet, by its very nature, what bears such a definitive name remains subject to changing historical connotations. The quotation marks are as important as the term they bracket: everybody has heard of "identity crisis" and it arouses a mixture of curiosity, mirth, and discomfon which yet promises, by the very play on the word "crisis," not to turn out to be something quite as fatal as it sounds.

In other words, a suggestive term has begun to lend itself to ritualized usage. Social scientists, on the other hand, sometimes attempt to achieve greater specificity by making such terms as "identity crisis," "self-identity," or "sexual identity" fit whatever more measurable item they are investigating at a given time. For the sake of logical or experimental maneuverability and in order to keep in good academic company they try to treat these terms as matters of social roles, personal traits, or conscious self-images, shunning the less manageable and more sinister-which often also means the more vital-implications of the concept.

But one may note with satisfaction that the conceptualization of identity has led to a series of valid investigations which, if they do not make clearer what identity is, nevertheless have proved useful in social psychology. It is now being accepted as desigr.. Most of our patients, so we concluded at that time, had neither been "shellshocked" nor become malingerers, but had through the exigencies of war lost a sense of personal sameness and historical continuity.

They were impaired in that central control over themselves for which, in the psychoanalytic scheme, only the "inner agency" of the ego could be held responsible. Therefore, I spoke of a loss of "ego identity. Thus, we have learned to ascribe a normative "identity crisis" to the age of adolescence and young adulthood. Referring to the first use of the term "identity crisis," I said "if I remember correctly. This brings to mind one of the innumerable stories with which Norman Reider could be counted on to lighten those often weary war days. Zion for a general checkup.

When Dr. Reider approached him cautiously, "How are you? Couldn't be better. Finally, Dr. Reider became a bit impatient. Doesn't everybody? This emphasis on individual lives, however, would make the other and wider uses of the terms "identity" and "identity crisis" appear all the more suspect as mere analogies not admissable in any court of definition. That Catholic students would try to pool their individual crises, enjoy them together, and get them over with in one evening makes at least humorous sense.

But what possible connection could adolescence as such have with the state of an African nation or of a scientific body? And if a nation cannot be said to be "adolescent," can a type of individual identity crisis be shared by a significant section of the young population? Today when the term identity refers, more often than not, to something noisily demonstrative, to a more or less desperate "quest," or to an almost deliberately confused "search" let me present two formulations which assert strongly what identity feels like when you become aware of the fact that you do undoubtedly have one.

My two witnesses are bearded and patriarchal founding fathers of the psychologies on which our thinking on identity is based. At such moments there is a voice inside which speaks and says: "This is the real me! Make it a guaranty It is an active tension rather than a paralyzing question -a tension which, furthermore, must create a challenge "without guaranty" rather than one dissipated in a clamor for certainty. We will repeatedly come back to James, but for the sake of further definition, let us now turn to a statement which asserts a unity of personal and cultural identity rooted in an ancient people's fate.

In an address to the Society of B'nai B'rith in Vienna in Whenever I felt an inclination to national enthusiasm I strove to suppress it as being harmful and wrong, alarmed by the warning examples of the peoples among whom we Jews live. But plenty of other things remained over to make the attraction of Jewry and Jews irresistible-many obscure emotional forces, which were the more powerful the less they could be expressed in words, as well as a clear consciousness of inner identity, the safe privacy of a common mental construction. And beyond this there was a perception that it was to my Jewish nature alone that I owed two characteristics that had become indispensable to me in the difficult course of my life.

But in all their poetic spontaneity they are the products of trained minds and therefore exemplify the main dimensions of a positive sense of identity almost systematically. Trained minds of genius, of course, have a special identity and special identity problems often leading to a protracted crisis at the onset of their careers. Yet we must rely on them for formulating initially what we can then proceed to observe as universally human. This is the only time Freud used the term identity in a more than casual way and, in fact, in a most central ethnic sense. And as we would expect of him, he inescapably points to some of those aspects of the matter which I called sinister and yet vital -the more vital, in fact, "the less they could be expressed in words.

To all this, we must come back when discussing race relations. He admits in passing that he had to suppress in himself an inclination toward "national enthusiasm" such as was common for "the peoples among whom we Jews live. In fact, the whole interplay between the psychological and the social, the developmental and the historical, for which identity formation is of prototypal significance, could be conceptualized only as a kind of psychosocial relativity. The traditional psychoanalytic method, on the other hand, cannot quite grasp identity because it has not developed terms to conceptualize the environment. And, of course, it helps to note down in detail what and why and how an item seems to become clearer. True, both James and Freud belonged to the middle class of the early industrial era which migrated from country to city or from city to city, and James, of course, was the grandson of an immigrant.

And chances they took, the revolutionary minds of the middle class of the nineteenth century: Darwin, by making man's very humanity relative to his animal ancestry; Marx, by exposing the. Identity 4. Now let us take a look ahead from the vantage point of twenty years ago and, forgetting concepts and clinics, see the youth of today. Youth, in any period, means first of all the noisier and more obvious part of that subrace, plus the quiet sufferers who come to the attention of psychiatrists or are brought to life by the novelists.

What appears to us to be profoundly relative is displayed by them as a relativistic "stance. This much any elderly person would say, at any point in history, and think it was both new and true. But here we mean something very specifically related to our theories. Sexual identity confusion? Yes, indeed; sometimes when we see them walking down the street it is impossible for us to tell, without indelicate scrutiny, who is a boy and who is a girl.

But is what they lay claim to exactly what we meant? This very question opens a psychohistorical perspective which we can only begin to discuss here. In a way, it makes supreme sense that the age group which can never sacrifice the actuality of growing and participating to what the older generation tiredly calls "reality" should also be the one which transposes theory into conduct and demonstrates to us that teaching, too, is acting. Thus we see much of what at first we interpreted as latent now expressed in slogans, demonstrated on the streets, and spread out in the illustrated magazines. But if bisexual confusion has now become in some young people a posture and a blatant challenge, does that mean that they-as a generation- are less clear about essential sex differences, or are paralyzed, or, indeed, are without fidelities in their sexual lives?

I would not think so. The traditional sex-typing which they object to was by no means uniformly beneficial to sexual life. Some young people actually seem to read what we write and use our terms almost colloquially. But I would also recognize it as an aspect of the old game of what Freud called "turning passive into active" and thus a new form of youthful experimentation. Often the demonstration seems to declare: "Who says we suffer from an identity 'crisis'? And as we say this, many know it already. Maybe this is a new and more open form of an adaptation to psychiatric enlightenment which in the past has employed seemingly less dangerous because mostly verbal forms: for from Freud's early days onward, enlightened people have adapted to his insights by mouthing the names of their neuroses-and keeping the neuroses, too.

This game may, in fact, have been more dangerous in the past. What in Freud's day, then, was a neurotic epidemiology with social implications has, in our time, become a series of social movements with neurotic implications. In a railroad station in Poland a man runs into a business competitor and asks him where he is going. You liar-you are going to Minsk! When consulted, we can only try to estimate the ego strength of the individual by attempting to diagnose the extent to which conflicting infantile stereotypes still dictate his behavior, and what his chances are of finding himself by losing himself in some absorbing social issue.

In looking at the youth of today, one is apt to forget that identity formation, while being "critical" in youth, is really a generational issue. A recent television documentary dealt with young people in Lexington, Massachusetts. The documentary showed with remarkable frankness what has happened to "free" young Americans, or at any rate how they behave publicly. But the parents were hardly there. But there was hardly a word about the other homes. This sometimes forces youth into being caricatures of the reflections of the images they had more or less experimentally "projected," and drives the parents farther away from the eerie happenings.

But parental sanction, too, diminishes with parental indignation, and one often senses that youth would rather get rid as it were of strong-minded parents than not have any worth mentioning. Where, then, are some of the principal contemporary sources of identity strength? That youth, on the whole, does not need us, and those who do assume the "patient role" created by us. Nor do we seem to think that our theories need to include them. And yet we must assume that masses of young people both here and abroad are dose enough both by giftedness and by opportunity to the technological trends and the scientific methods of our time to feel at home in it as much as anybody ever felt at home in human life.

To put it in terms of what must be studied concertedly: in every technology and in every historical period there are types of individuals who "properly" brought up can combine the dominant techniques with their identity development, and become what they do. But how such consolidation leads to a sense of embeddedness and natural flux among the very artifacts of organization; how it helps to bring to ascendance some style of perfection and of self-glorification; and how it permits man at the same time to limit his horizon so as not to see what might destroy the newly won familiarity of the world and expose him to all manner of strangeness and, above all, to the fear of death or of killing-all of this we have hardly approached from the point of view of depth psychology.

Here the discussion of the "ego" should take on new dimensions. And always with it comes a new definition of adulthood, without which any question of identity is self-indulgent luxury. The problem of adulthood is how to take care of those to whom one finds oneself committed as one emerges from the identity period, and to whom one now owes their identity. Freud, the doctor, revealed for the mercantile and early industrial period what havoc the hypocritical morality was wreaking, not only in his era, but in all of human history. In doing so, he founded what Philipp Rieff has described as the therapeutic orientation, which goes far beyond the clinical cure of isolated symptoms. But we cannot know what technological conformity does to man unless we know what it does for him.

If the majority of young people, therefore, can go along with their parents in a kind of fraternal identification, it is because they jointly leave it to technology and science to carry the burden of providing a self-perpetuating and self-accelerating way of life. This would make it plausible that the young are even expected to develop new values-as-you-go. Thus technological expansion can be seen as the due reward of generations of hard-working Americans. But only after having discussed, as far as my conceptual means permit, that majority of youth which derives a certain strength of identity from the whole ideological package of technological expansion can I discuss our new-humanist youth from a more balanced viewpoint.

For does not an interplay between a new dominant class of specialists-those who "know what they are doing"-and an intense new group of universalists-those who "mean what they are saying"-always determine the identity possibilities of an age? And those who mean it often care deeply for and become the champions of a third group-those who have been left behind by all concerned. In our time these are the technologically or educationally underprivileged who are cut off from all ideologies because of lack of capacity or opportunity or of course both. If they seem perplexed and sometimes bizarre in the light of these demands, we should remind ourselves that it was the tradition of enlightenment which, taking a stable middle class or a liberal world for granted, opened all values to ruthless inquiry.

Now perversions, as, indeed, all kinds of perversity, must find their own limits of attractiveness in print and deed. Yet the search of youth, I believe, is not for all-permissibility, but rather for new ways of directly facing up to what truly counts. For without some leadership-and, if need be, leadership that can be lustily resisted-the young humanists are in danger of becoming irrelevant and ending up, each individual and each clique, stewing in strictly episodical "consciousness expansion. A new generation growing up with and in technological and scientific progress as a matter of course will be prepared by the daily confrontation with radically new practical possibilities to entertain radically new modes of thought.

What I mean to suggest is that youth, in all its diversities, will share a common fate, namely, a change in the generational process itself. In saying this, I am not abandoning my conception of the human life cycle or of the place of identity in it. Rather I will submit that subdivisions in the stages of greatest importance for identity will distribute generational functions somewhat differently. Already today the mere division into an older, i. His power, in many ways, will replace tradition as the sanction of parenthood. But this also means that the "younger generation" will be or already is, as I would testify from my observations as college teacher divided more clearly into the older and the younger young generation, where the former will have to take and is eager to take much of the direction of the conduct of the latter.

This, however, we can only do by recognizing and cultivating an age-specific ethical capacity in older youth-which is the true criterion of identity. As this can never again become a matter of fixed tradition, it probably cannot be the concern of old-fashioned "movements. How did man's need for individual identity evolve? The Garden of Eden, of course, has had many utopian transformations since that expulsion from the unity of creation -an expulsion which tied man's identity forever to the manner of his toil and of his co-operation with others, and with technical and communal pride.

Each cultural consolidation around a state of technology has its way of creating familiarity with the Unfamiliar. Technological and enlightened man, however, seems to flatter himself more than any man before him that he has the universe to himself and that an experimentally inclined God, very much made in man's image, is glad to step aside for him. At any rate, I have heard very clever men but never a woman claim that in principle there is nothing in nature that man cannot now learn to understand. And man, he continued, therefore can, in principle, change anything in nature or in his own nature to fit any blueprint. This brings me to a final perspective which will, at any rate, help to thro-w light on the over-all significance of the problem of identity and provide the best argument yet for our not settling on any methodology or any definition too early.

For man's need for a psychosocial identity is anchored in nothing less than his sociogenetic evolution. It has been said by Waddington that authority-accepting is what characterizes man's sociogenetic evolution. Man as a species has survived by being divided into what I have called pseudospecies. One never quite knew how all the other tribes came to be, but since they did exist, they were at least useful as a screen of projection for the negative identities which were the necessary, if most uncomfortable, counterpart of the positive ones. If, then, identity can be said to be a "good thing" in human evolution-because good things are those which seem to have been necessary for what, indeed, has survived-we should not overlook the fact that this system of mortal divisions has been vastly overburdened with the function of reaffirming for each pseudospecies its superiority over all others.

But this places all older identities in deadly danger. The pseudospecies, then, is one of the more sinister aspects of all group identity. For man's development does not begin or end with identity; and identity, too, must become relative for the mature person. Psychosocial identity is necessary as the anchoring of man's transient existence in the here and the now. That it is transient does not make it expendable. If, to those who seek an identity, Norman Brown advocates "Get lost" and Timothy Leary "Drop out," I would suggest that to get lost one must have found oneself, and to drop out one must have been in. And this alone permits the individual to transcend his identity-to become as truly individual as he will ever be, and as truly beyond all individuality.

We realize, then, the widening context of the problem of identity. Beginning with veterans of war and severely disturbed young people, we have come to formulate a normative crisis in individual development. In what follows we will review these steps in all the fragmentary details of our original observations, so that we may at least know where we came from when we started to use the term and, maybe, see where it may yet lead us. And even as we do so, the data and the conclusions change before our eyes. The essence of the inner dynamics of a case, it is judged, is thereby left intact. Such mobs exist; their definition stands. If Kant gave as the co-ordinates of the moral burgher "the stars above him" and "the moral law within him," the early Freud placed his fearful ego between the id within him and the mob around him.

To safeguard the encircled individual's precarious morality, Freud instituted within the ego the superego. The superego, as Freud pointed out, is the internalization of all the restrictions to which the ego must bow. From the study of the ego's dissipation in an amorphous multitude of others, we must turn to the problem of the infantile ego's very origin in social life. Let me first illustrate the concept of group identity by a brief reference to anthropological observations made by H. Mekeel and myself in In the remnants of the Sioux Indians' identity, the prehistoric past is a powerful psychological reality.

The road to this future is not outer restoration but inner reform. Their tools are extensions of the human body. The inventory of social prototypes is small and static. The expansiveness of civilization, together with its stratification and specialization, demanded that children base their ego models on shifting, sectional, and contradictory prototypes. No wonder that Indian children, forced to live by both these plans, often seem blocked in their expectations and paralyzed in their ambitions. For the growing child must derive a vitalizing sense of reality from the awareness that his individual way of mastering experience, his ego synthesis, is a successful variant of a group identity and is in accord with its space-time and life plan.

By no means only a narcissistic extension of infantile omnipotence, this self-esteem gradually grows into a conviction that the ego is capable of integrating effective steps toward a tangible collective future, that it is developing into a well-organized ego within a social reality. What I have called ego identity, however, concerns more than the mere fact of existence; it is, as it were, the ego quality of this existence. We must find the nexus of social images and of organismic forces-and this not merely in the sense that here images and forces are, as the saying goes, "interrelated.

Such an experience may be the loss of the mother's breast. The children are said to react to this uniformly with rage. The tribe's ' ontogenetic "expulsion from paradise," then, causes a "fixation" which we found to be of decisive relevance in the Sioux's group identity and in his individual development. When the hero of the Sioux sun dance, at the height of the religious ceremonial, drives little sticks through his breast, ties the sticks to a rope, the rope to a pole, and in a peculiar trance dances backward until the rope tightens and the sticks split his breast so that the gushing blood runs freely down his body, we find both instinctual and social meaning in his extreme behavior.

He is manfully atoning for the sin which cost him the paradise of habitual closeness to the mother's breast, but as a ceremonial hero he is also dramatizing a tragic involvement common to all. It makes similar sense when a Yurok man, having been with a woman, proceeds to heat himself by the fire of the sweathouse until he is supple and wet enough to squeeze through a very small oval opening in the wall, and then jumps into the cold river. Having thus given rebirth to himself, he is free from the dangerous bondage of women and pure and strong enough to net the sacred salmon. The same Indians, on the other hand, after having achieved the yearly engineering feat of bridging the river with a dam that collects a whole winter's supply of salmon, will indulge in promiscuous intercourse and experience the manic relief of orgiastic excess, which, once a year, throws atonement to the winds.

In all these ritual acts we see "id" and "superego" put into conflictful oppositions such as those we have learned to recognize in the "private rituals," i. I had an opportunity to make a few observations on one of the more extreme milieus of human endeavor, namely, life on submarines. The extreme interdependence with the crew and the mutual responsibility for comfort and life under prolonged conditions of extreme hardship soon supersede the original fantasies.

Crew and captain establish a symbiosis not governed by official regulations alone. We are in need, then, of concepts which throw light on the mutual complementation of ego synthesis and social organization, the cultivation of which on ever higher levels is the aim of all therapeutic endeavor, social and individual. Certain crises force him to make radical selections. We therefore can expect our young patients to respond only to therapeutic measures which will help them to complete or to rearrange the prerequisites for an identity already under formation. His little son had hardly had time to absorb Nazi indoctrination before he came to this country, where, like most children, he took to Americanization like a duck to water.

Gradually, however, he developed a neurotic rebellion against all authority. What he said about the "older generation," and how he said it, was clearly taken from Nazi writings which he had never read and his behavior was an unconscious one-boy Hitler youth rebellion. A superficial analysis indicated that the boy in identifying with the slogans of Hider youth identified himself with his father's aggressors.

I expected him to rebel violently. Instead, a marked change came over him the moment he was handed a uniform with the promise of gold bars, stars, and rank. It was as if these military symbols effected a sudden and decisive change in his inner economy. The boy was now an unconscious Hider youth wrapped up in an American prototype: the military schoolboy. As a historical focus of many part-identifications the military identity thus continues to be dominant unconsciously even in those who are excluded from its consummation by political developments. Equally elusive are the minute socioeconomic and cultural panics which involve the family, causing individual regressions to infantile atonements and a reactionary return to more primitive moral codes.

When such panics coincide in time and dynamic quality with one of the child's psychosexual crises, they play a significant role in the "choice" of symptoms, for every neurosis reflects shared panic, isolated anxiety, and somatic tension all at once. Where a group's socioeconomic status is in danger, the implicit moral code becomes more restricted, more magic, more exclusive, and more intolerant, as though an outer danger had to be treated as an inner one. In the case of a five-year-old boy who produced convulsions after a number of coincidental experiences of violent aggression and sudden death, the very idea of violence had received its problematic meaning from the family history.

Instead, he pleadingly and threateningly tried to impress on his now cocky and inquisitive little boy the fact that a shopkeeper's son must treat the gentiles gently. The family panic "Let's be gentle or else we will lose ground" , the individual anxiety "How can I be gentle when I must be tough to feel safe? His espileptic reaction became manifest. This inequality of treatment reinforced the patient's wish to compete with her brothers and to exhibit an "improved" posture in her dancing which became a caricature of Prussian ancestors whom she had never seen. The historical meaning of such a sympton is clarified by the analysis of the resistances with which it is defended. The patient, who in her conscious and "positive" thoughts always drew a parallel between the father's and the analyst's tall, "Nordic" physiques, to her great dismay found herself dreaming of the analyst as a small, dirty, crumpled-up Jew.

But it also illuminated the danger to her fragile ego identity of an unruly pair of historical prototypes-an ideal prototype German, tall, phallic and an evil prototype Jewish, dwarfish, castrated. Although it manifests itself in a great variety of syndromes, this association is all-pervasive, in men and women, in majorities and minorities, and in all classes of a given national or cultural unit.

The unconscious associations of ethnic prototypes of good and evil with moral and sexual ones are, we may add, a necessary part of any group formation. Jung, it seems, could find a sense of identity in psychoanalytic work only by a justaposition of his ancestors' religious and mystical space-time with whatever he sensed in Freud's Jewish ancestry. As though in fear of endangering a common group identity based on an identification with Freud's personal greatness, psychoanalytic observers chose to ignore not only Jung's excesses but also the kind of universal fact he had, indeed, observed. Such concepts as the "anima" and the "animus," i. In Jung's "persona" a weak ego seems to sell out to a compelling social prototype.

This may leave much of his receptive and maternal propensity dissimulated, undeveloped, and guilt-ridden, making a shell of mannishness out of what is left. I once had as a patient a tall, intelligent ranch owner who was influential in western agriculture. This man's analysis provided a sad commentary on the fact that Streicher's presentation of an evil Jewish identity is no worse than that harbored by many a Jew who-with paradoxical results-may still be trying to live it down in an area where his past could be relatively unimportant in view of what he is.

The patient in question sincerely felt that the only true savior for the Jews would be a plastic surgeon. The body part in question has a different ego tonus; it is felt to be larger and heavier, or smaller and disembodied, and in both cases it feels dissociated from the whole body, while seeming to dominate the attention of others. His will demanded that the mansion should stand and remain the family's castle even though skyscrapers and apartment houses mushroomed all around it. The grandfather's picture still hangs over the fireplace, a little bulb eternally lighting the rosiness of the cheeks in his generally powerful and contented countenance.

The grandsons of such men know that in order to find an identity of their own they have to break out of the mansion and join the mad striving which has engulfed the neighborhood. The father image, and with it the transference, appears to be split up. The image of the weak, mild faher of the present is isolated from the Oedipal father image, which is fused with that of the powerful grandfather. These men, of the once highest strata, join those from the very lowest in being the truly disinherited in American life.

From where they are there is no admission to free competition unless they have the strength to start all over again. This very identification, however, did not permit her to take a husband equal to her strong father. She married a weak man and settled down. He became reckless and shifting at times, depressed at others; at times an overgrown juvenile delinquent, at others a more enjoyable westerner with convivial alcoholic moods.

Idealizing the grandfather's exploits, she had yet also reacted with panicky punitiveness to any display of adventurous friskiness in the boy which might disturb the now well-defined neighborhood. Or let us consider a problem from another region. During an exploratory analysis she seems almost lifeless. After some weeks, she occasionally produces a sudden flood of associations, all concerning horrid impressions of sex or death. Identity She felt attracted but at the same time inhibited; her imagination was vividly provoked but restrained by anxiety.

The patient's dreams gradually revealed a hidden source of untapped freedom. These dreams helped to unearth and highlight an isolated part of her childhood, namely, the gentle warmth awarded her by her grandfather, a Confederate veteran whose world was a fairy tale of the past. There is, first, a pseudoparanoid suspicion that life is a series of critical tests in which vicious gossips attempt to stack up minor weaknesses and blemishes against the southern woman toward an inexorable final judgment, namely, to be-or not to be-a lady.

But there is also the equally ambivalent implication that any man who does not proceed to shed his gentleman's inhibitions when the opportunity of sexual conquest offers itself is a weakling who only deserves to be mercilessly provoked. In all this there is a basic inability to conceive of any area in life where the standards and the words of a man and a woman could honestly coincide and be lifted above a certain primeval antagonism.

Psychoanalysts, of course, are consulted primarily by those who cannot stand the tension between alternatives, contrasts, and polarities which governs the American style of today: the unceasing necessity to remain tentative in order to be free for bigger and better opportunities. The analyst is woven into the patient's unconscious life plan.

Many of these men, indeed, regressed to the "stage of unlearned function. Anxiety and anger were provoked by anything too sudden or too intense, a sudden sensory impression from outside, an impulse, or a memory. A constantly "startled" sensory system was attacked by external stimuli as well as by somatic sensations: heat flashes, palpitation, cutting headaches. Insomnia hindered the nightly restoration of sensory screening by sleep and that of emotional rebinding by dreaming. Amnesia, neurotic pseudologia, and confusion showed the partial loss of time-binding and of spatial orientation.

Obviously the men were worn out by too many changes, in too many respects at once. The sense of sameness and continuity and the belief in one's social role were gone. A sense of identity was most enhanced in the armed forces among the recipients of promising commissions and members of teams in highly mechanized units. To quite a few soldiers, then, the military identity represented the despicable prototype of the sucker, of one who lets himself be sidetracked and stalled while others are free to pursue what could have been his chance and his girl. If you are a sucker, not even a mother's pity will be with you. The fact, however, that these men, their physicians, and their contemporaries in increasing numbers turned to the bitter truths of psychoanalytic psychiatry is in itself a historical development which calls for critical appraisal.

The difficulties met in the attempt to integrate this old image of insulated spaciousness with the new image of explosive global closeness are deeply disquieting. The psychotherapist, in disregarding the contribution of such developments to neurotic discomfort, is apt not only to miss much of the specific dynamics in contemporary life cycles; he is apt also to deflect individual energy from the collective tasks at hand. Bolstering, bantering, boisterousness, and other "ego-inflating" behavior is, of course, part of the American folkways. As such, it pervades speech and gesture and enters into all interpersonal relations.

Its tendency is toward the testing of what feels real, the mastery of that which works, the understanding of that which proves necessary, the enjoyment of the vital, and the overcoming of the morbid. At the same time it tends toward the creation of a strong mutual reinforcement with others in a group ego, which will transmit its purpose to the next generation. Ideological connotation is the inevitable historical equation in the use of conceptual tools which concern the ego, man's organ of reality testing. If experience is to corroborate a sound part of the infantile sense of omnipotence, then child-training methods must not only foster sensual health and progressive mastery, but also offer tangible social recognition as the fruits of health and mastery.

If the ego identity of lovers and mates is complementary in some essentials, it can be fused in marriage to the benefit of the offspring's ego development. From the point of view of such joint identities the "incestuous" attachment to parent images cannot be considered as necessarily pathogenic, as writers in psychopathology seem to infer. It thus perpetuates tradition, i. However, as has been pointed out, many of the mechanisms of adjustment which once made for psychosocial evolution, tribal integration, and national or class coherence are at loose ends in a world of universally expanding identities. For whoever wants to cure or guide must understand, conceptualize, and use spontaneous trends of identity formation.

Foundations m Obse rvation 73 b In studying his subject, the psychoanalyst, so Anna Freud points out, should occupy an observation point "equidistant from the id, the ego, and the superego"-so that he may be aware of their functional interdependence and so that as he observes a change in one of these sections of the mind he may not lose sight of related changes in the others. In conclusion, then, we may reformulate the ego's task and, maybe, the ego by recognizing it as one of three indispensable and ceaseless processes by which man's existence becomes and remains continuous in time and organized in form. The first of these-first because studied originally through Freud's transfer of biological and physiological modes of thought to psychology -is the biological process, by which an organism comes to be a hierarchic organization of organ systems living out its life cycle.

The second is the social process, by which organisms come to be organized in groups which are geographically, historically, and culturally defined. This means that any changes observed in one will cause and again be influenced by changes in the others. True, each of these processes has its own warning signals: pain, anxiety, and panic. They warn of the danger of organic dysfunction, of impairment of ego mastery, and of loss of group identity; but each signal announces a threat to all. Thus psychoanalysis first studied, as if it could be isolated, man's enslavement by the id, i.

Perhaps psychoanalysis will complete its basic studies of neurosis by investigating more explicitly man's enslavement by historical conditions which claim autonomy by precedent and exploit archaic mechanisms within him, to deny him physical vitality and ego strength. For the individual's mastery over his neurosis begins where he is put in a position to accept the historical necessity which made him what he is. Only thus can he derive ego strength for his generation and the next from the coincidence of his one and only life cycle with a particular segment of human history. This is difficult, as are all tasks not facilitated or sanctioned by methodological tradition.

And works on history, society, and morality usually contain little reference in the text, and none in the index, to the simple fact that all individuals were once children. To most scholars, childhood seems to belong to the field of social work rather than to that of social science, to the solicitudes of do-gooders rather than to those of thinkers. The contribution of man's extended childhood to the development of his technical capabilities and to his capacity for sympathy and faith is well known, but often too exclusively known.

It is therefore necessary to acquire deeper insight into the earliest consequences of the psychological exploitation of childhood. By this I mean the misuse of a divided function in such a way that one of the partners is impaired in the development of his potentialities, with the result that impotent rage is stored up where energy should be free for productive development. Yet it must be said that this oversight does not seem to be an accidental one, and therefore cannot be so easily corrected. Psychoanalysis has amply demonstrated the fact that all men develop an amnesia concerning crucial childhood experiences. It is as if this refusal reflected a deep-seated superstition that rational and practical man would lose his single-minded stamina if he ever turned back to meet the Medusa of childhood anxiety face to face again.

Here a formidable "equation" imposes itself on all attempts to put the fact of childhood in its proper perspective. What follows, then, is not an attempt at fixing the origin or cause of totalitarianism in the fact of childhood or in particular forms of childhood training. As a clinician, however, I must start elsewhere: from examples of total inner change. A young woman spoke, in the same vein, of her "right to oneliness. Many a mother is deeply disturbed when she notices, at her return from a sudden but not so lengthy absence, that her small child has blandly "forgotten" her. Finally we may point to a well-known example of a sudden total split of what was once wholly united : the change that comes over married couples who have decided on a divorce.

While such realignments may seem to appear suddenly, they develop slowly. Only uncommonly aware and brave people know about themselves what psychoanalysis reveals in others, and particularly in patients-namely, how strong and systematic are man's proclivities and potentialities for total realignments, often barely hidden behind exaggerated likes, predilections, and convictions, and how much energy is employed in inner defenses against a threatening total reorientation in which white may turn into black and vice versa.

Only the affect released in sudden commitments and conversions and in sudden aversions testifies to the quantity of energy "bound" in such defenses. In giving these examples, I have used the terms "wholeness" and "totality. Totality, on the contrary, evokes a Gestalt in which an absolute boundry is emphasized: given a certain arbitrary delineation, nothing that belongs inside must be left outside, nothing that must be outside can be tolerated inside. As pointed out, it would be wise to abstain from considering tills a merely regressive or infantile mechanism. It is an alternate, if more primitive, way of dealing with experience, and thus has, at least in transitory states, certain adjustment and survival value.

It belongs to normal psychology. Can totalism reverse itself when the emergency is over? Here I can do no more than point to this field of study. She, in turn, must feel a certain wholesome relation between her biological role and the values of her community. Only thus can she communicate to the baby, in the unmistakable language of somatic interchange, that the baby may trust her, the world, and-himself.

In fact, every basic conflict of childhood lives on, in some form, in the adult. The earliest steps are preserved in the deepest layers. In prayer man assures a superhuman power that, in spite of everything, he has remained trustworthy, and asks for a sign that he now may also continue to trust his deity. Much cruel, cold, and exclusive totalness has dominated some phases of the history of organized religion. How deeply worried self-made man is in his need to feel safe in his man-made world can be seen from the deep inroad which an unconscious identification with the machine-comparable to the magic identification of primitive man with his principal prey -has made on the Western concept of human nature in general and on a kind of automatized and depersonalized child training in particular.

It must be remembered here, however, that at least one of the systems which we call totalitarianism, Soviet communism, was born from an ideology which envisages beyond all revolutions a final wholeness of society, freed from the interference of an armed state and of the class structure which necessitated it. In this vision, the total revolution and the totalitarian superstate is only a state-to-end-all states: it will abolish itself by "becoming dormant," leaving in the final wholeness of a stateless democracy nothing to be administered except "things. In the meantime, however, we must not lose sight of those newly emerging peoples and their young people on the periphery of both the Soviet world and ours who are in need of a total system of beliefs in this period of common technological change.

I shall not outline here the implications of each of the successive childhood stages for the ideology of totalitarianism. One could develop this analogy. The superego thus comes to reflect not only the sternness of the demands and limitations originally imposed by the parents, but also the relative crudeness of the infantile stage during which they were imposed. Thus human conscience, even while serving conscious ideals, retains a certain unconscious and infantile primitiveness. Only a combination in parents of true tolerance and firmness can guide an infantile process which otherwise falls prey to the cruelly "categoric" attitude employed by a strict conscience which first turns against the self, but in one way or another later focuses on the supression of others.

Young people must become whole people in their own right, and this during a developmental stage characterized by a diversity of changes in physical growth, genital maturation, and social awareness. The wholeness to be achieved at this stage I have called a sense of inner identity. Identity is a unique product, which now meets a crisis to be solved only in new identifications with age mates and with leader figures outside of the family. Here society has the function of guiding and narrowing the individual's choices. Primitive societies have always taken this function most seriously; their puberty rites replace a horror of undefinedness, dramatized by rituals, with a defined sacrifice and a sacred badge.

Advancing civilization has found other more spiritual means of "confirming" the right life plan. Let me once more refer to individual pathology. Even in individual disturbances usually called prepsychotic or psychopathic or otherwise diagnosed in line with adult psychopathology, an almost willful Umschaltung to a negative identity and its roots in past and present can be studied. On a somewhat larger scale, an analogous turn toward a negative identity prevails in the. If such "negative identities" are accepted as a youth's "natural" and final identity by teachers, judges, and psychiatrists, he not infrequently invests his pride as well as his need for total orientation in becoming exactly what the careless community expects him to become.

Such identity, however, depends on the support which the young individual receives from the collective sense of identity characterizing the social groups significant to him: his class, his nation, his culture. To have the courage of one's diversity is a sign of wholeness in individuals and in civilization. But wholeness, too, must have defined boundaries. We may, in fact, speak of the identity crisis as the psychosocial aspect of adolescing. Nor could this stage be passed without identity having found a form which will decisively determine later life. The use of the words "to do well" of course points up the whole question of cultural relativity. Those who are significant to a man may think he is doing well when he "does some good" or when he "does well" in the sense of acquiring possessions; when he is doing well in the sense of learning new skills and new knowledge or when he is not much more than just getting along; when he learns to conform all around or to rebel significandy; when he is merely free from neurotic symptoms or manages to contain within his vitality all manner of profound conflict.

There are many formulations of what constitutes a "healthy" personality in an adult. Somewhat generalized, this principle states that anything that grows has a ground plan, and that out of this ground plan the parts arise, each part having its time of special ascendancy, until all parts have arisen to form a functioning whole. This, obviously, is true for fetal development where each part of the organism has its critical time of ascendance or. But here, too, it is important to realize that in the sequence of his most personal experiences the healthy child, given a reasonable amount of proper guidance, can be trusted to obey inner laws of development, laws which create a succession of potentialities for significant interaction with those persons who tend and respond to him and those institutions which are ready for him.

Personality, therefore, can be said to develop according to steps predetermined in the human organism's readiness to be driven toward, to be aware of, and to interact with a widening radius of significant individuals and institutions. The diagram is presented on p. Perspective Certainty ship Polarization Followership Commitment vr All of them exist in the beginning in some form, although we do not make a point of this fact, and we shall not confuse things by calling these components different names at earlier or later stages. The environment, in tum, now feels called upon to convey to him its particular ideas and concepts of autonomy in ways decisively contributing to his personal character, his relative efficiency, and the strength of his vitality.

It is this encounter, together with the resulting crisis, which is to be described for each stage. Perhaps it would be best to say that he is always vulnerable in some respects and completely oblivious and insensitive in others, but that at the same time he is unbelievably persistent in the same respects in which he is vulnerable. A baby's presence exerts a consistent and persistent domination over the outer and inner lives of every member of a household. It is as true to say that babies control and bring up their families as it is to say the converse.

A family can bring up a baby only by being brought up by him. With them, the interpersonal perspective also changes rapidly and often radically, as is testified by the proximity in time of such opposites as "not letting mother out of sight" and "wanting to be independent. By "trust" I mean an essential trustfulness of others as well as a fundamental sense of one's own trustworthiness.

In adults a radical impairment of basic trust and a prevalence of basic mistrust is expressed in a particular form of severe estrangement which characterizes individuals who withdraw into themselves when at odds with themselves and with others. Let us see what justifies our placing the crisis and the ascendancy of this component at the beginning of life. To him the mouth is the focus of a general first approach to life-the incorporative approach. In psychoanalysis this stage is usually referred to as the oral stage. Yet it is clear that in addition to the overwhelming need for food, a baby is, or soon becomes, receptive in many other respects. As he is willing and able to suck on appropriate objects and to swallow whatever appropriate fluids they emit, he is soon also willing and able to "take in" with his eyes whatever enters his visual field.

His senses, too, seem to "take in" what feels good. In this sense, then, one can speak of an incorporative stage, in which he is, relatively speaking, receptive to what he is being offered. Yet babies are sensitive and vulnerable too. Others think that he should feel the freedom of his kicking limbs as early as possible, but also that, as a matter of course, he should be forced to cry "please" for his meals until he literally gets blue in the face. All of this, more or less consciously, seems related to the culture's general aim and system. But there is also a logic-however instinctive and prescientific-in the assumption that what is "good for the child," what may happen to him, depends on what he is supposed to become and where. The simplest and the earliest modality is to get, not in the sense of "go and get" but in that of receiving and accepting what is given.

The groping and unstable newborn's organism learns this modality only as he learns to regulate his readiness to "get" with the methods of a mother who, in turn, will permit him to co-ordinate his means of getting as she develops and co-ordinates her means of giving. But in thus getting what is given, and in learning to get somebody to do for him what he wishes to have done, the baby also develops the necessary groundwork "to get to be" the giver-that is, to identify with her and eventually to become a giving person. Besides such "horizontal" compensation compensation during the same stage of development there are many "longitudinal" compensations in life which emerge from later stages of the life cycle.

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