Mara Lovemans National Colors: Racial Classification And The State In Latin America

Sunday, March 6, 2022 3:46:26 PM

Mara Lovemans National Colors: Racial Classification And The State In Latin America

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Race and Politics in 21st Century Latin America

The U. That report Swot Analysis Of Tesco SWOT Analysis: Tesco a Argumentative Essay: The Role Of Hunting In Our Society response from U. But for most people who pursue them, these activities are in large part surrogate activities. But many people put into Swot Analysis Of Tesco SWOT Analysis: Tesco work far more effort than is necessary to earn whatever money and status they require, and this extra effort constitutes a surrogate activity. Abuse of women was common Swot Analysis Of Tesco SWOT Analysis: Tesco the Australian Argumentative Essay: The Role Of Hunting In Our Society, transsexuality was fairly common among some of Volcanic Tragedies In Pompeii American Indian tribes. According to the indictment, the defendants Swot Analysis Of Tesco SWOT Analysis: Tesco considerably from their illegal trade. This point is Why Kids Should Read Historical Documents Essay important that is deserves a separate discussion, Argumentative Essay: The Role Of Hunting In Our Society we mean girls 2004 give in a moment paragraphs Some gangs, such as the Bloods and Gangster Disciples, are committing sophisticated mortgage fraud schemes by purchasing properties with the intent Why Kids Should Read Historical Documents Essay receive Advantages And Disadvantages Of Marxism assistance loans and, ultimately retain the proceeds from the loans, Feminist Criticism In John Miltons Paradise Lost to comingle illicit funds through mortgage payments.

Notably, during and , coalition forces in Iraq recovered numerous modules made by the Minnesota firm that had been utilized as part of the remote detonation system for IEDs. The indictment alleges that, between June and February , the defendants fraudulently purchased and caused 6, modules to be illegally exported from the Minnesota company through Singapore, and later to Iran, in five shipments, knowing that the export of U. In each transaction, the defendants allegedly told the Minnesota firm that Singapore was the final destination of the goods.

The defendants also caused false documents to be filed with the U. In reality, each of the five shipments was routed from Singapore to Iran via air cargo. The alleged recipient of all 6, modules in Iran was Larijani, who had directed Wong, his employee in Singapore, to order them. According to the indictment, the defendants profited considerably from their illegal trade. The defendants allegedly made tens of thousands of dollars for arranging these illegal exports from the United States through Singapore to Iran.

The indictment alleges that several of the 6, modules the defendants routed from Minnesota to Iran were later discovered by coalition forces in Iraq, where they were being used as part of the remote detonation systems of IEDs. In May , December , April , and July , coalition forces found no less than 16 of these modules in unexploded IEDs recovered in Iraq, the indictment alleges. During this period, some of the defendants were allegedly communicating with one another about U. For example, between October and June , Nam contacted Larijani in Iran at least six times and discussed the Iran prohibitions and U. Nam later told U. The indictment further charges Seng, Hia, and Corezing with a separate fraud conspiracy involving the illegal export of two types of military antenna from the United States.

The indictment alleges that these defendants conspired to defraud the United States by causing a total of 55 cavity-backed spiral antennas and biconical antennas to be illegally exported from a Massachusetts company to Singapore and Hong Kong without the required State Department license. These military antennas are controlled for export as U. The indictment states that the biconical antenna, for example, is used in military aircraft such as the F-4 Phantom, the F, the F, the A Thunderbolt II and the F combat jets.

Seng, Hia and Corezing are alleged to have, among other things, conspired to undervalue the antennas to circumvent U. They also allegedly used false names and front companies to obtain the antennas illegally from the United States. The indictment further alleges that Larijani, based in Iran, made false statements about doing business with an accused Iranian procurement agent and that he attempted to obstruct an official proceeding by the U. Department of Commerce. Commerce officials advised Larijani that, in considering whether his firm should be removed from the list, he needed to disclose whether he or his firm had any involvement with Majid Kakavand or Evertop Services Sdn Bhd.

Kakavand is an accused Iranian procurement agent who has been indicted in the United States, along with his Malaysian company Evertop Services, for illegally exporting U. Kakavand remains a fugitive and is believed to be in Iran. According to the indictment, Larijani denied to Commerce officials on three occasions that he or his company, Opto Electronics, had done any business with Kakavand or Evertop Services. In fact, the indictment alleges that Larijani had been in communication with others about his business dealings with Kakavand on at least five occasions from through Substantial assistance was provided by the U. Department of Defense, U. The prosecution is being handled by Assistant U. Attorneys Anthony Asuncion and John W. Borchert of the U. Poling and Richard S.

The public is reminded that an indictment contains mere allegations. Defendants are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty in a court of law. The European Defence Conference took place on 20 and 21 October in Warsaw and provided opportunities for a broad range of discussion on European defence co-operation from the perspective of research and development. In addition to that, researchers from various EU-countries presented some of their work and ideas for future co-operation. Zbigniew Wlosowicz. This should be complemented by a competence database for SMEs using an effective and proven software package.

The conference was well received by participants. Albert van der Steen of TNO who chaired one of the sessions said that he used to believe a conference like EDC should be organised by EDA, but that the event had convinced him that an independently organised conference could be much more effective. A NATO representative also remarked they would increase their participation should a future edition be held. Merle Missoweit of Fraunhofer INT speaking on behalf the organising committee said they were very pleased with the outcome of the conference:. During this first EDC, excellent speakers and a knowledgeable audience stimulated discussions in a constructive atmosphere as we had intended. I heard nothing but positive feedback these last two days. Attorney Paul J.

Fishman announced. The count Indictment charges Weinstein, 36, of Lakewood, N. Weinstein will be arraigned on the Indictment on a date to be determined. Weinstein was previously charged by Complaint on Aug. Both defendants were charged with one count of wire fraud and Weinstein was charged with one count of bank fraud. Siforov, who remains a fugitive, is named in three wire fraud counts in the Indictment. Attorney Fishman. To induce victims to invest, Weinstein and others made various types of materially false and misleading statements and omissions.

Victims were also told that their money would be held in escrow until the closing of a purported real estate transaction. Weinstein initially targeted victims from the Orthodox Jewish community, of which he was a member, exploiting his standing in and knowledge of the customs and practices of the community to further the scheme. By , Weinstein had tarnished his reputation in the community due to the massive losses caused by the scheme. In April , Weinstein and others began soliciting victims from outside of the Orthodox Jewish community, whom they defrauded out of millions of dollars.

These included funding unrelated real estate transactions in which Weinstein was engaged; paying prior victims; and making charitable and religious contributions which he used to elevate his reputation within the Orthodox Jewish community. Weinstein also used millions of dollars fraudulently obtained from his victims to fund his own lavish spending, including millions of dollars worth of antique Judaica and other artwork; a multimillion-dollar collection of jewelry and watches; gambling in Las Vegas and elsewhere; and his personal expenses, including millions of dollars in credit card bills, millions of dollars in legal bills, and luxury car lease payments. If convicted on the wire fraud while on pretrial release charges, Weinstein faces a maximum potential penalty of 30 years in prison per count.

Ward in Newark, for their work leading the investigation of this case. Lessoff, for their important contributions to the investigation. The government is represented by Assistant U. Attorneys Zach Intrater and Gurbir S. Grewal of the U. The charges and allegations contained in the Indictment are merely accusations, and the defendants are considered innocent unless and until proven guilty. If you believe you are a victim of or otherwise have information concerning this alleged scheme, you are encouraged to contact the FBI at President Obama established the interagency Financial Fraud Enforcement Task Force to wage an aggressive, coordinated, and proactive effort to investigate and prosecute financial crimes.

The task force includes representatives from a broad range of federal agencies, regulatory authorities, inspectors general, and state and local law enforcement who, working together, bring to bear a powerful array of criminal and civil enforcement resources. The task force is working to improve efforts across the federal executive branch, and with state and local partners, to investigate and prosecute significant financial crimes, ensure just and effective punishment for those who perpetrate financial crimes, combat discrimination in the lending and financial markets, and recover proceeds for victims of financial crimes. Manhattan U. And in these tough economic times—with stretched budgets, rising costs, frozen wages, and unemployed people—it is especially disheartening to think that railroad employees would tell a train of lies to pad their early retirements, and that a handful of doctors would traffic on the credibility of their profession to promote a culture of fraud.

If the charges are proved, it will be yet another disheartening example of the kind of corruption we have seen all too much of lately. This massive fraud, an additional burden on cash-strapped commuters, could cost more than one billion dollars. Until today, this was a game where every retiree was a winner. Attorney, the FBI, and the Railroad Retirement Board Inspector General to take the investigation of railroad disability pension fraud to the next level. I thank U. Attorney Bharara, his staff, and our partners for their dedication to combating pension fraud. We are pleased to have played a part in this investigation. The RRB is an independent U. A unique LIRR contract allows employees to retire at the relatively young age of 50, provided they have been employed for at least 20 years.

It is the only commuter railroad in the United States that offers a retirement pension at the age of At that time, employees are entitled to receive an LIRR pension, which is a portion of the full retirement payment they are eligible for at 65, when they also receive an RRB pension. Therefore, if an LIRR worker retires at 50, he or she will receive less than their prior salary and substantially lower pension payments than what they would be entitled to at As alleged in the Complaint, hundreds of LIRR employees have exploited the overlap between the LIRR pension and the RRB disability program by pre-planning the date on which they would falsely declare themselves disabled so that it would coincide with their projected retirement date.

These false statements, made under oath in disability applications, allowed these LIRR employees to retire as early as age 50 with an LIRR pension, supplemented by the fraudulently-obtained RRB disability annuity. Each of these employees received a disability award. In contrast, only 7 percent of employees at Metro-North who stopped working and received disability benefits during this time period were between the ages of 50 and These medical narratives were fabricated or grossly exaggerated to recommend a set of restrictions that, if bona fide, would have rendered it impossible for the LIRR employees to continue in their occupations.

In his disability application, NOONE claimed that he suffered severe pain when gripping and using simple hand tools and pain in his knees, shoulder, and back from bending or crouching. In her disability application, WALSH claimed that sitting at a desk and using a computer caused her considerable neck, shoulder, and hand pain, and that she experienced leg pains when standing more than five minutes or when sitting more than 15 minutes. Nevertheless, WALSH has been surveilled shoveling heavy snow for over an hour and walking with a baby stroller for approximately 40 minutes.

Law enforcement recorded her continuously exercising at the gym for more than two hours, at which point the video concluded because the tape ran out, although FALLOON continued her workout. All 11 defendants are charged with conspiracy to commit health care fraud and mail fraud, which carries a maximum sentence of 20 years in prison. Attached is a chart reflecting the age and place of residence for each of the charged defendants. Assistant U. The charge contained in the Complaint is merely an accusation and the defendants are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty. Vishing scams also target land-line phones. Be wary of a seller with a percent positive feedback score, with a low number of feedback postings, or with all feedback posted around the same date.

Sometimes, if a victim logs onto one of the phony websites with a smartphone, they could also end up downloading malicious software that could give criminals access to anything on the phone. With the growth of mobile banking and the ability to conduct financial transactions online, smishing and vishing attacks may become even more attractive and lucrative for cyber criminals.

The pop-ups continue unabated, and in some instances, the scareware renders all of the information on your computer inaccessible. Scareware is malicious software that poses as legitimate computer security software and claims to detect a variety of threats on the affected computer that do not actually exist. Investigators discovered a variety of ruses used to infect computers with scareware, including consumers being directed to webpages featuring fake computer scans that instead downloaded malicious software. Results included the execution of numerous search warrants, subject interviews, and seized bank accounts and a server.

So far, the case has resulted in two arrests abroad, along with the seizure of more than 40 computers, servers, and bank accounts. Because of the magnitude of the schemes, law enforcement agencies here and abroad are continuing their investigative efforts. And to avoid being victimized, make sure your computer is using legitimate, up-to-date antivirus software, which can help detect and remove fraudulent scareware products. The NGTA enhances and builds on the gang-related trends and criminal threats identified in the assessment.

It supports US Department of Justice strategic objectives 2. The assessment is based on federal, state, local, and tribal law enforcement and corrections agency intelligence, including information and data provided by the National Drug Intelligence Center NDIC and the National Gang Center. Additionally, this assessment is supplemented by information retrieved from open source documents and data collected through April The NGIC and its law enforcement partners documented increases in gang proliferation and migration nationwide and emerging threats.

This report attempts to expand on these findings. Reporting and intelligence collected over the past two years have demonstrated increases in the number of gangs and gang members as law enforcement authorities nationwide continue to identify gang members and share information regarding these groups. Better reporting and collection has contributed greatly to the increased documentation and reporting of gang members and gang trends. Law enforcement agencies nationwide continuously report new and emerging gang trends to the NGIC, as the NGIC continues to operate as a repository and dissemination hub for gang intelligence. This information provided by our law enforcement partners was used to identify many of the trends and issues included in this report.

A stratified random sample of nearly 3, state and local law enforcement agencies was surveyed to generate national, regional, and state estimates of various aspects of drug trafficking activities including the threat posed by various drugs, the availability and production of illicit drugs, as well as the role of street gangs and outlaw motorcycle gangs in drug trafficking activity. Weighted national, regional, and state-level statistical estimates derived from NDTS data was based on responses received from 2, law enforcement agencies out of a sample of 3, agencies.

In calculating the number of street and outlaw motorcycle gang members, respondents in each region were asked to select from a series of ranges of numbers. The median numbers of each range were aggregated to generate an estimate for the total number of gang members. In calculating the number of street and outlaw motorcycle gangs, the low end of each range was aggregated to generate an estimate for the total number of gangs and gang members. This multi-agency fusion center integrates gang intelligence assets to serve as a central intelligence resource for gang information and analytical support. To assist in the sharing of gang intelligence with law enforcement, the NGIC has established NGIC Online, an information system comprised of a set of web-based tools designed for researching gang-related intelligence and sharing of information with federal, state, local and tribal law enforcement partners.

Gangs continue to commit criminal activity, recruit new members in urban, suburban, and rural regions across the United States, and develop criminal associations that expand their influence over criminal enterprises, particularly street-level drug sales. Gangs are expanding, evolving and posing an increasing threat to US communities nationwide. Gangs are becoming more violent while engaging in less typical and lower-risk crime, such as prostitution and white-collar crime. Gangs are more adaptable, organized, sophisticated, and opportunistic, exploiting new and advanced technology as a means to recruit, communicate discretely, target their rivals, and perpetuate their criminal activity. Based on state, local, and federal law enforcement reporting, the NGIC concludes that:.

Current Gang-Related Trends and Crime. Gang membership continues to expand throughout communities nationwide, as gangs evolve, adapt to new threats, and form new associations. Consequently, gang-related crime and violence is increasing as gangs employ violence and intimidation to control their territory and illicit operations. Many gangs have advanced beyond their traditional role as local retail drug distributors in large cities to become more organized, adaptable, and influential in large-scale drug trafficking. Gang members are migrating from urban areas to suburban and rural communities to recruit new members, expand their drug distribution territories, form new alliances, and collaborate with rival gangs and criminal organizations for profit and influence.

Local neighborhood, hybrid and female gang membership is on the rise in many communities. Prison gang members, who exert control over many street gang members, often engage in crime and violence upon their return to the community. Gang members returning to the community from prison have an adverse and lasting impact on neighborhoods, which may experience notable increases in crime, violence, and drug trafficking. Approximately 1. This represents a 40 percent increase from an estimated 1 million gang members in The NGIC attributes this increase in gang membership primarily to improved reporting, more aggressive recruitment efforts by gangs, the formation of new gangs, new opportunities for drug trafficking, and collaboration with rival gangs and drug trafficking organizations DTOs.

Law enforcement in several jurisdictions also attribute the increase in gang membership in their region to the gangster rap culture, the facilitation of communication and recruitment through the Internet and social media, the proliferation of generational gang members, and a shortage of resources to combat gangs. More than half of NGIC law enforcement partners report an increase in gang-related criminal activity in their jurisdictions over the past two years.

Neighborhood-based gangs continue to pose the greatest threat in most jurisdictions nationwide. The NGIC collected intelligence from law enforcement officials nationwide in an attempt to capture the threat posed by national-level street, prison, outlaw motorcycle, and neighborhood-based gangs in their communities. Gang-related crime and violence continues to rise. NGIC analysis indicates that gang members are responsible for an average of 48 percent of violent crime in most jurisdictions and much higher in others. Some jurisdictions in Arizona, California, Colorado, Illinois, Massachusetts, Oklahoma, and Texas report that gangs are responsible for at least 90 percent of crime.

Street gangs are involved in a host of violent criminal activities, including assault, drug trafficking, extortion, firearms offenses, home invasion robberies, homicide, intimidation, shootings, and weapons trafficking. NDIC reporting indicates that gang control over drug distribution and disputes over drug territory has increased, which may be responsible for the increase in violence in many areas. Conflict between gangs, gang migration into rival gang territory, and the release of incarcerated gang members back into the community has also resulted in an increase in gang-related crime and violence in many jurisdictions, according to NGIC reporting.

Table 2. The NGIC collected intelligence from its law enforcement partners nationwide in an effort to capture the criminal threat posed by national-level street, prison, outlaw motorcycle, and neighborhood-based gangs in their communities. The following chart represents the percentage of gang involvement in crime. Source: NGIC data. According to National Youth Gang Survey reporting, larger cities and suburban counties accounted for the majority of gang-related violence and more than 96 percent of all gang homicides in Gang involvement and control of the retail drug trade poses a serious threat to public safety and stability in most major cities and in many mid-size cities because such distribution activities are routinely associated with lethal violence.

Violent disputes over control of drug territory and enforcement of drug debts frequently occur among gangs in both urban and suburban areas, as gangs expand their control of drug distribution in many jurisdictions, according to NDIC and NGIC reporting. In , law enforcement agencies in 51 major US cities reported moderate to significant levels of gang-related drug activity. NDIC survey data indicates that 69 percent of US law enforcement agencies report gang involvement in drug distribution. NDIC reporting suggests that gangs are advancing beyond their traditional role as local retail drug distributors in large cities and becoming more influential in large-scale drug trafficking, resulting in an increase in violent crime in several regions of the country.

Gang involvement in drug trafficking has also resulted in the expansion and migration of some gangs into new US communities, according to NDIC reporting. Many jurisdictions are experiencing an increase in juvenile gangs and violence c , which is often attributed, in part, to the increased incarceration rates of older members and the aggressive recruitment of juveniles in schools. Gangs have traditionally targeted youths because of their vulnerability and susceptibility to recruitment tactics, as well as their likelihood of avoiding harsh criminal sentencing and willingness to engage in violence.

Collaboration between rival gangs and criminal organizations and increased improvement in communications, transportation, and technology have enabled national-level gangs to expand and secure their criminal networks throughout the United States and in other countries. Gang members are becoming more sophisticated in their structure and operations and are modifying their activity to minimize law enforcement scrutiny and circumvent gang enhancement laws. Gangs in several jurisdictions have modified or ceased traditional or stereotypical gang indicia and no longer display their colors, tattoos, or hand signs.

Others are forming hybrid gangs to avoid police attention and make to it more difficult for law enforcement to identify and monitor them, according to NGIC reporting. Many gangs are engaging in more sophisticated criminal schemes, including white collar and cyber crime, targeting and infiltrating sensitive systems to gain access to sensitive areas or information, and targeting and monitoring law enforcement.

Many communities are also experiencing increases in hybrid and non-traditional gangs. Asian gangs, historically limited to regions with large Asian populations, are expanding throughout communities nationwide. Although often considered street gangs, Asian gangs operate similar to Asian Criminal Enterprises with a more structured organization and hierarchy. They are not turf-oriented like most African-American and Hispanic street gangs and typically maintain a low profile to avoid law enforcement scrutiny. Asian gang members are known to prey on their own race and often develop a relationship with their victims before victimizing them.

Asian gangs are involved in a host of criminal activities to include violent crime, drug and human trafficking, and white collar crime. Some law enforcement agencies attribute the recent increase in Asian gang membership in their jurisdictions to the recruitment of non-Asian members into the gang in order to compete more effectively with other street gangs for territory and dominance of illicit markets. Somali gang presence has increased in several cities throughout the United States. Somali gangs are most prevalent in the Minneapolis-St. Unlike most traditional street gangs, Somali gangs tend to align and adopt gang names based on clan or tribe, although a few have joined national gangs such as the Crips and Bloods.

Somalian gangs are involved in drug and weapons trafficking, human trafficking, credit card fraud, prostitution, and violent crime. Homicides involving Somali victims are often the result of clan feuds between gang members. Sex trafficking of females across jurisdictional and state borders for the purpose of prostitution is also a growing trend among Somalian gangs. Source: Minneapolis Police Department. Although some Somali gangs adopt Bloods or Crips gang monikers, they typically do not associate with other African-American gangs. Somali nationals—mostly refugees displaced by the war s in Somalia and surrounding countries—tend to migrate to specific low-income communities, which are often heavily controlled by local Bloods and Crips street gangs.

The Somali youth may emulate the local gangs, which frequently leads to friction with other gangs, such as Bloods and Crips, as well as with Ethiopian gangs. Some Sudanese gang members have weapons and tactical knowledge from their involvement in conflicts in their native country. Although largely confined to the East Coast, Caribbean gangs, such as Dominican, Haitian, and Jamaican gangs, are expanding in a number of communities throughout the United States. The Trinitarios, the most rapidly-expanding Caribbean gang and the largest Dominican gang, are a violent prison gang with members operating on the street. The Trinitarios are involved in homicide, violent assaults, robbery, theft, home invasions, and street-level drug distribution.

An increase in the Dominican population in several eastern US jurisdictions has resulted in the expansion and migration of Dominican gangs such as the Trinitarios. This has led to an increase in drug trafficking, robberies, violent assaults in the Tri-state area. Seventeen other Trinitario members also allegedly collected money to buy weapons, hire lawyers, and aid members brothers in prison. Traditional Jamaican gangs operating in the United States are generally unsophisticated and lack a significant hierarchical structure, unlike gangs in Jamaica.

Many active Jamaican gangs operating in the United States maintain ties to larger criminal organizations and gangs in Jamaica, such as the Shower Posse or the Spangler Posse. Jamaican gang members in the United States engage in drug and weapons trafficking. The expansion of hybrid gangs—non-traditional gangs with multiple affiliations—is a continued phenomenon in many jurisdictions nationwide. Because of their multiple affiliations, ethnicities, migratory nature, and nebulous structure, hybrid gangs are difficult to track, identify, and target as they are transient and continuously evolving. Furthermore, these multi-ethnic, mixed-gender gangs pose a unique challenge to law enforcement because they are adopting national symbols and gang members often crossover from gang to gang.

Hybrid gangs are of particular concern to law enforcement because members often escalate their criminal activity in order to gain attention and respect. Hybrid gangs, which are present in at least 25 states, are fluid in size and structure, yet tend to adopt similar characteristics of larger urban gangs, including their own identifiers, rules, and recruiting methods.

The Juggalos, a loosely-organized hybrid gang, are rapidly expanding into many US communities. Although recognized as a gang in only four states, many Juggalos subsets exhibit gang-like behavior and engage in criminal activity and violence. Law enforcement officials in at least 21 states have identified criminal Juggalo sub-sets, according to NGIC reporting. Many of the gang members arrested were juveniles and young adults. Most crimes committed by Juggalos are sporadic, disorganized, individualistic, and often involve simple assault, personal drug use and possession, petty theft, and vandalism.

However, open source reporting suggests that a small number of Juggalos are forming more organized subsets and engaging in more gang-like criminal activity, such as felony assaults, thefts, robberies, and drug sales. Social networking websites are a popular conveyance for Juggalo sub-culture to communicate and expand. Many criminal Juggalo sub-sets are comprised of transient or homeless individuals, according to law enforcement reporting. Most Juggalo criminal groups are not motivated to migrate based upon traditional needs of a gang. However, law enforcement reporting suggests that Juggalo criminal activity has increased over the past several years and has expanded to several other states. Gang involvement in alien smuggling, human trafficking, and prostitution is increasing primarily due to their higher profitability and lower risks of detection and punishment than that of drug and weapons trafficking.

Over the past year, federal, state, and local law enforcement officials in at least 35 states and US territories have reported that gangs in their jurisdictions are involved in alien smuggling, human trafficking, or prostitution. Many street gangs are becoming involved in alien smuggling as a source of revenue. According to US law enforcement officials, tremendous incentive exists for gangs to diversify their criminal enterprises to include alien smuggling, which can be more lucrative and less risky than the illicit drug trade. Over the past two years numerous federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies nationwide have reported gang involvement in incidents of alien smuggling. In some instances, gang members were among those being smuggled across the border into the United States following deportation.

In other cases, gang members facilitated the movement of migrants across the US-Mexico border. Federal, state, and local law enforcement officials are observing a growing nexus between the Mexican drug cartels, illegal alien smuggling rings, and US-based gangs. The alien smuggling networks that operate along the Southwest border are unable to move human cargo through drug cartel controlled corridors without paying a fee. The fee is considerably higher for aliens smuggled from countries other than Mexico, which may even be more alluring for the cartels.

It is estimated that criminals earn billions of dollars each year by smuggling aliens through Mexico into the United States. Source: FBI. Human trafficking is another source of revenue for some gangs. Victims—typically women and children—are often forced, coerced, or led with fraudulent pretense into prostitution and forced labor. Prostitution is also a major source of income for many gangs. Gang members often operate as pimps, luring or forcing at-risk, young females into prostitution and controlling them through violence and psychological abuse. NGIC law enforcement partners report that gangs in their jurisdiction are involved in prostitution, some of which involves child prostitution. Gangs and Criminal Organizations.

They are known to regularly collaborate with US-based street and prison gang members and occasionally work with select OMG and White Supremacist groups, purely for financial gain see Appendix B. The prospect of financial gain is resulting in the suspension of traditional racial and ideological division among US prison gangs, providing MDTOs the means to further expand their influence over drug trafficking in the United States. Source: Stratfor Global Intelligence. MDTOs contract with street and prison gangs along the Southwest border to enforce and secure smuggling operations in Mexico and the United States, particularly in California and Texas border communities. US gangs, which traditionally served as the primary organized retail or mid-level distributor of drugs in most major US cities, are now purchasing drugs directly from the cartels, thereby eliminating the mid-level wholesale dealer.

Furthermore, advanced technology, such as wireless Internet and Voice over Internet Protocol VoIP capabilities, has made the recruitment, collaboration, and coordination of criminal activity more efficient and lucrative, and allows direct contact between the gangs and DTOs. January FBI reporting indicates that some OMGs and street gangs are closely collaborating with African, Asian, Eurasian, and Italian organized criminal groups to facilitate street-level crimes such as extortion, enforcement, debt collection, and money laundering.

The NGIC collected intelligence from law enforcement officials nationwide in an effort to identify associations between gangs and criminal organizations. The following figures represent the percentage of law enforcement who report that gangs in their jurisdiction have ties to various criminal organizations. Gangs and Corrections Issues. Once incarcerated, most street gang members join an established prison gang to ensure their protection. Based on data provided by federal and state correctional agencies, the NGIC estimates that there are approximately , gang members incarcerated in federal and state prisons nationwide.

Their large numbers and dominant presence allows prison gangs to employ bribery, intimidation, and violence to exert influence and control over many correctional facilities. Violent disputes over control of drug territory and enforcement of drug debts frequently occur among incarcerated gang members. Many incarcerated gang members continue to engage in gang activities following incarceration and use their connections inside prison to commit crime in the community. Prison gang members influence and control gang activity on the street, and exploit street gangs for money and other resources.

Law enforcement officials report associations between street gang members and incarcerated gang members in their area. In some cases, family members assist or facilitate gang criminal activity and recruiting. Family members of gangs operate as outside facilitators, serving as messengers, drug couriers, or in any capacity benefiting the gang. Outside facilitators are provided instructions by the incarcerated gang member, often during a social or legal visit, and in turn pass this information to gang members on the streets. Family members have also been used to assist prison escapes and smuggle contraband into correctional facilities, allowing incarcerated gang members to continue their operations inside prison.

Incarcerated gang members often rely on family, friends, corrupt lawyers and corrections personnel to transmit their messages to gang members on the street. Incarcerated gang members exploit attorney-client privileges, which include unmonitored visiting and legal mail, to pass coded or concealed communications. Smuggled cell phones are a continuing problem for prison administrators in correctional facilities throughout the country. Smuggled cell phones and Smart Phones afford incarcerated gang members more influence and control over street gangs through unrestricted access and unmonitored conversations via voice calling, Internet access, text messaging, email, and social networking websites. Instances of violence directed by inmates using mobile devices are also a growing concern for corrections officials.

Incarcerated gang members communicate covertly with illegal cell phones to plan or direct criminal activities such as drug distribution, assault, and murder. Consider the hypothetical case of a man who can have anything he wants just by wishing for it. Such a man has power, but he will develop serious psychological problems. At first he will have a lot of fun, but by and by he will become acutely bored and demoralized. Eventually he may become clinically depressed. History shows that leisured aristocracies tend to become decadent. This is not true of fighting aristocracies that have to struggle to maintain their power. But leisured, secure aristocracies that have no need to exert themselves usually become bored, hedonistic and demoralized, even though they have power.

This shows that power is not enough. Everyone has goals; if nothing else, to obtain the physical necessities of life: food, water and whatever clothing and shelter are made necessary by the climate. But the leisured aristocrat obtains these things without effort. Hence his boredom and demoralization. Nonattainment of important goals results in death if the goals are physical necessities, and in frustration if nonattainment of the goals is compatible with survival. Consistent failure to attain goals. Thus, in order to avoid serious psychological problems, a human being needs goals whose attainment requires effort, and he must have a reasonable rate of success in attaining his goals. But not every leisured aristocrat becomes bored and demoralized.

For example, the emperor Hirohito, instead of sinking into decadent hedonism, devoted himself to marine biology, a field in which he became distinguished. When people do not have to exert themselves to satisfy their physical needs they often set up artificial goals for themselves. In many cases they then pursue these goals with the same energy and emotional involvement that they otherwise would have put into the search for physical necessities. Here is a rule of thumb for the identification of surrogate activities.

Given a person who devotes much time and energy to the pursuit of goal X, ask yourself this: If he had to devote most of his time and energy to satisfying his biological needs, and if that effort required him to use his physical and mental facilities in a varied and interesting way, would he feel seriously deprived because he did not attain goal X? On the other hand the pursuit of sex and love for example is not a surrogate activity, because most people, even if their existence were otherwise satisfactory, would feel deprived if they passed their lives without ever having a relationship with a member of the opposite sex.

But pursuit of an excessive amount of sex, more than one really needs, can be a surrogate activity. It is enough to go through a training program to acquire some petty technical skill, then come to work on time and exert the very modest effort needed to hold a job. If one has those, society takes care of one from cradle to grave. Yes, there is an underclass that. Thus it is not surprising that modern society is full of surrogate activities.

These include scientific work, athletic achievement, humanitarian work, artistic and literary creation, climbing the corporate ladder, acquisition of money and material goods far beyond the point at which they cease to give any additional physical satisfaction, and social activism when it addresses issues that are not important for the activist personally, as in the case of white activists who work for the rights of nonwhite minorities. These are not always pure surrogate activities, since for many people they may be motivated in part by needs other than the need to have some goal to pursue. Scientific work may be motivated in part by a drive for prestige, artistic creation by a need to express feelings, militant social activism by hostility.

But for most people who pursue them, these activities are in large part surrogate activities. For many if not most people, surrogate activities are less satisfying than the pursuit of real goals that is, goals that people would want to attain even if their need for the power process were already fulfilled. One indication of this is the fact that, in many or most cases, people who are deeply involved in surrogate activities are never satisfied, never at rest.

Thus the money-maker constantly strives for more and more wealth. The scientist no sooner solves one problem than he moves on to the next. The long-distance runner drives himself to run always farther and faster. In contrast, people generally have a great deal of autonomy in pursuing their surrogate activities. Autonomy as a part of the power process may not be necessary for every individual. But most people need a greater or lesser degree of autonomy in working toward their goals.

Their efforts must be undertaken on their own initiative and must be under their own direction and control. Yet most people do not have to exert this initiative, direction and control as single individuals. Thus if half a dozen people discuss a goal among themselves and make a successful joint effort to attain that goal, their need for the power process will be served. But if they work under rigid orders handed down from above that leave them no room for autonomous decision and initiative, then their need for the power process will not be served. The same is true when decisions are made on a. It is true that some individuals seem to have little need for autonomy.

Either their drive for power is weak or they satisfy it by identifying themselves with some powerful organization to which they belong. And then there are unthinking, animal types who seem to be satisfied with a purely physical sense of power the good combat soldier, who gets his sense of power by developing fighting skills that he is quite content to use in blind obedience to his superiors. When one does not have adequate opportunity to go throughout the power process the consequences are depending on the individual and on the way the power process is disrupted boredom, demoralization, low self-esteem, inferiority feelings, defeatism, depression, anxiety, guilt, frustration, hostility, spouse or child abuse, insatiable hedonism, abnormal sexual behavior, sleep disorders, eating disorders, etc.

Any of the foregoing symptoms can occur in any society, but in modern industrial society they are present on a massive scale. This sort of thing is not normal for human societies. There is good reason to believe that primitive man suffered from less stress and frustration and was better satisfied with his way of life than modern man is. It is true that not all was sweetness and light in primitive societies.

Abuse of women was common among the Australian aborigines, transsexuality was fairly common among some of the American Indian tribes. We attribute the social and psychological problems of modern society to the fact that society requires people to live under conditions radically different from those under which the human race evolved and to behave in ways that conflict with the patterns of behavior that the human race developed while living under the earlier conditions. It is clear from what we have already written that we consider lack of opportunity to properly experience the power process as the most important of the abnormal conditions to which modern society subjects people. But it is not the only one. Before dealing with disruption of the power process as a source of social problems we will discuss some of the other sources.

Among the abnormal conditions present in modern industrial society are excessive density of population, isolation of man from nature, excessive rapidity of social change and the break-down of. It is well known that crowding increases stress and aggression. The degree of crowding that exists today and the isolation of man from nature are consequences of technological progress. All pre-industrial societies were predominantly rural. The industrial Revolution vastly increased the size of cities and the proportion of the population that lives in them, and modern agricultural technology has made it possible for the Earth to support a far denser population than it ever did before. For example, a variety of noise-making devices: power mowers, radios, motorcycles, etc.

If the use of these devices is unrestricted, people who want peace and quiet are frustrated by the noise. If their use is restricted, people who use the devices are frustrated by the regulations… But if these machines had never been invented there would have been no conflict and no frustration generated by them. For primitive societies the natural world which usually changes only slowly provided a stable framework and therefore a sense of security. In the modern world it is human society that dominates nature rather than the other way around, and modern society changes very rapidly owing to technological change.

Thus there is no stable framework. The conservatives are fools: They whine about the decay of traditional values, yet they enthusiastically support technological progress and economic growth. The breakdown of traditional values to some extent implies the breakdown of the bonds that hold together traditional small-scale social groups. The disintegration of small-scale social groups is also promoted by the fact that modern conditions often require or tempt individuals to move to new locations, separating themselves from their communities.

Beyond that, a technological society HAS TO weaken family ties and local communities if it is to function efficiently. Suppose that a public official or a corporation executive appoints his cousin, his friend or his co-religionist to a position rather than appointing the person best qualified for the job. Would-be industrial societies that have done a poor job of subordinating personal or local loyalties to loyalty to the system are usually very inefficient. Look at Latin America. Thus an advanced industrial society can tolerate only those small-scale communities that are emasculated, tamed and made into tools of the system.

Crowding, rapid change and the breakdown of communities have been widely recognized as sources of social problems. But we do not believe they are enough to account for the extent of the problems that are seen today. A few pre-industrial cities were very large and crowded, yet their inhabitants do not seem to have suffered from psychological problems to the same extent as modern man.

In America today there still are uncrowded rural areas, and we find there the same problems as in urban areas, though the problems tend to be less acute in the rural areas. Thus crowding does not seem to be the decisive factor. On the growing edge of the American frontier during the 19th century, the mobility of the population probably broke down extended families and small-scale social groups to at least the same extent as these are broken down today. In fact, many nuclear families lived by choice in such isolation, having no neighbors within several miles, that they belonged to no community at all, yet they do not seem to have developed problems as a result. Furthermore, change in American frontier society was very rapid and deep.

A man might be born and raised in a log cabin, outside the reach of law and order and fed largely on wild meat; and by the time he arrived at old age he might be working at a regular job and living in an ordered community with effective law enforcement. This was a deeper change than that which typically occurs in the life of a modern individual, yet it does not seem to have led to psychological problems.

The difference, we argue, is that modern man has the sense largely justified that change is IMPOSED on him, whereas the 19th century frontiersman had the sense also largely justified that he created change himself, by his own choice. Thus a pioneer settled on a piece of land of his own choosing and made it into a farm through his own effort. In those days an entire county might have only a couple of hundred inhabitants and was a far more isolated and autonomous entity than a modern county is.

Hence the pioneer farmer participated as a member of a relatively small group in the creation of a new, ordered community. We contend that the most important cause of social and psychological problems in modern society is the fact that people have insufficient opportunity to go through the power process in a normal way. Probably most if not all civilized societies have interfered with the power process to a greater or lesser extent. But in modern industrial society the problem has become particularly acute. Leftism, at least in its recent mid to late twentieth century form, is in part a symptom of deprivation with respect to the power process. We divide human drives into three groups: 1 those drives that can be satisfied with minimal effort; 2 those that can be satisfied but only at the cost of serious effort; 3 those that cannot be adequately satisfied no matter how much effort one makes.

The power process is the process of satisfying the drives of the second group. The more drives there are in the third group, the more there is frustration, anger, eventually defeatism, depression, etc. In modern industrial society natural human drives tend to be pushed into the first and third groups, and the second group tends to consist increasingly of artificially created drives. In primitive societies, physical necessities generally fall into group 2: They can be obtained, but only at the cost of serious effort. But modern society tends to guarantee the physical necessities to everyone [9] in exchange for only minimal effort, hence physical needs are pushed into group 1.

You sit or stand where you are told to sit or stand and do what you are told to do in the way you are told to do it. Seldom do you have to exert yourself seriously, and in any case you have hardly any autonomy in work, so that the need for the power process is not well served. Social needs, such as sex, love and status, often remain in group 2 in modern society, depending on the situation of the individual. So certain artificial needs have been created that fall into group 2, hence serve the need for the power process.

Advertising and marketing techniques have been developed that make many people feel they need things that their grandparents never desired. It requires serious effort to earn enough money to satisfy these artificial needs, hence they fall into group 2. But see paragraphs Modern man must satisfy his need for the power process largely through pursuit of the artificial needs created by the advertising and marketing industry [11], and through surrogate activities. It seems that for many people, maybe the majority, these artificial forms of the power process are insufficient. A theme that appears repeatedly in the writings of the social critics of the second half of the twentieth century is the sense of purposelessness that afflicts many people in modern society.

It may be that existentialism is in large part a response to the purposelessness of modern life. In other words, it does not fully satisfy the need for the power process. See paragraph That need can be fully satisfied only through activities that have some external goal, such as physical necessities, sex, love, status, revenge, etc. Even most people who are in business for themselves have only limited autonomy. It is a chronic complaint of small- business persons and entrepreneurs that their hands are tied by excessive government regulation.

Some of these regulations are doubtless unnecessary, but for the most part government regulations are essential and inevitable parts of our extremely complex society. A large portion of small business today operates on the franchise system. It was reported in the Wall Street Journal a few years ago that many of the franchise-granting companies require applicants for franchises to take a personality test that is designed to EXCLUDE those who have creativity and initiative, because such persons are not sufficiently docile to go along obediently with the franchise system. This excludes from small business many of the people who most need autonomy. Today people live more by virtue of what the system does FOR them or TO them than by virtue of what they do for themselves.

And what they do for themselves is done more and more along channels laid down by the system. Opportunities tend to be those that the system provides, the opportunities must be exploited in accord with the rules and regulations [13], and techniques prescribed by experts must be followed if there is to be a chance. Thus the power process is disrupted in our society through a deficiency of real goals and a deficiency of autonomy in pursuit of goals. But it is also disrupted because of those human drives that fall into group 3: the drives that one cannot adequately satisfy no matter how much effort one makes.

One of these drives is the need for security. Our lives depend on decisions made by other people; we have no control over these decisions and usually we do not even know the people who make them. Our lives depend on whether safety standards at a nuclear power plant are properly maintained; on how much pesticide is allowed to get into our food or how much pollution into our air; on how skillful or incompetent our doctor is; whether we lose or get a job may depend on decisions made by government economists or corporation executives; and so forth.

Most individuals are not in a position to secure themselves against these threats to more than a very limited extent. It may be objected that primitive man is physically less secure than modern man, as is shown by his shorter life expectancy; hence modern man suffers from less, not more than the amount of insecurity that is normal for human beings. But psychological security does not closely correspond with physical security. What makes us FEEL secure is not so much objective security as a sense of confidence in our ability to take care of ourselves.

Primitive man, threatened by a fierce animal or by hunger, can fight in self- defense or travel in search of food. He has no certainty of success in these efforts, but he is by no means helpless against the things that threaten him. The modern individual on the other hand is threatened by many things against which he is helpless; nuclear accidents, carcinogens in food, environmental pollution, war, increasing taxes, invasion of his privacy by large organizations, nation-wide social or economic phenomena that may disrupt his way of life.

It is true that primitive man is powerless against some of the things that threaten him; disease for example. But he can accept the risk of disease stoically. They are not the results of chance but are IMPOSED on him by other persons whose decisions he, as an individual, is unable to influence. Consequently he feels frustrated, humiliated and angry. Thus primitive man for the most part has his security in his own hands either as an individual or as a member of a SMALL group whereas the security of modern man is in the hands of persons or organizations that are too remote or too large for him to be able personally to influence them.

The foregoing greatly simplifies the real situation, but it does indicate in a rough, general way how the condition of modern man differs from that of primitive man. People have many transitory drives or impulses that are necessarily frustrated in modern life, hence fall into group 3. One may become angry, but modern society cannot permit fighting. In many situations it does not even permit verbal aggression. When going somewhere one may be in a hurry, or one may be in a mood to travel slowly, but one generally has no choice but to move with the flow of traffic and obey the traffic signals. In many other ways as well, modern man is strapped down by a network of rules and regulations explicit or implicit that frustrate many of his impulses and thus interfere with the power process.

Most of these regulations cannot be disposed with, because they are necessary for the functioning of industrial society. Modern society is in certain respects extremely permissive. In matters that are irrelevant to the functioning of the system we can generally do what we please. We can believe in any religion we like as long as it does not encourage behavior that is dangerous to the system. Behavior is regulated not only through explicit rules and not only by the government. Control is often exercised through indirect coercion or through psychological pressure or manipulation, and by organizations other than the government, or by the system as a whole.

Most large organizations use some form of propaganda [14] to manipulate public attitudes or behavior. For instance, the content of entertainment programming is a powerful form of propaganda. Legally there is nothing to prevent us from going to live in the wild like primitive people or from going into business for ourselves. But in practice there is very little wild country left, and there is room in the economy for only a limited number of small business owners. So is the lack of interest in having. In primitive societies life is a succession of stages. The needs and purposes of one stage having been fulfilled, there is no particular reluctance about passing on to the next stage.

A young man goes through the power process by becoming a hunter, hunting not for sport or for fulfillment but to get meat that is necessary for food. This phase having been successfully passed through, the young man has no reluctance about settling down to the responsibilities of raising a family. Again, having successfully raised his children, going through the power process by providing them with the physical necessities, the primitive man feels that his work is done and he is prepared to accept old age if he survives that long and death.

Many modern people, on the other hand, are disturbed by the prospect of death, as is shown by the amount of effort they expend trying to maintain their physical condition, appearance and health. We argue that this is due to unfulfillment resulting from the fact that they have never put their physical powers to any use, have never gone through the power process using their bodies in a serious way. It is not the primitive man, who has used his body daily for practical purposes, who fears the deterioration of age, but the modern man, who has never had a practical use for his body beyond walking from his car to his house.

It is the man whose need for the power process has been satisfied during his life who is best prepared to accept the end of that life. What they need is to find or make their own opportunities. To attain autonomy they must get off that leash. Not everyone in industrial-technological society suffers from psychological problems. Some people even profess to be quite satisfied with society as it is. We now discuss some of the reasons why people differ so greatly in their response to modern society. First, there doubtless are differences in the strength of the drive for power. Individuals with a weak drive for power may have relatively little need to go through the power process, or at least relatively little need for autonomy in the power process.

These are docile types who would have been happy as plantation darkies in. To their credit, most of the slaves were NOT content with their servitude. We do sneer at people who ARE content with servitude. Some people may have some exceptional drive, in pursuing which they satisfy their need for the power process. For example, those who have an unusually strong drive for social status may spend their whole lives climbing the status ladder without ever getting bored with that game. People vary in their susceptibility to advertising and marketing techniques. Some people are so susceptible that, even if they make a great deal of money, they cannot satisfy their constant craving for the shiny new toys that the marketing industry dangles before their eyes.

So they always feel hard-pressed financially even if their income is large, and their cravings are frustrated. Some people have low susceptibility to advertising and marketing techniques. Material acquisition does not serve their need for the power process. People who have medium susceptibility to advertising and marketing techniques are able to earn enough money to satisfy their craving for goods and services, but only at the cost of serious effort putting in overtime, taking a second job, earning promotions, etc.

Thus material acquisition serves their need for the power process. But it does not necessarily follow that their need is fully satisfied. They may have insufficient autonomy in the power process their work may consist of following orders and some of their drives may be frustrated e. We are guilty of oversimplification in paragraphs because we have assumed that the desire for material acquisition is entirely a creation of the advertising and marketing industry. Some people partly satisfy their need for power by identifying themselves with a powerful organization or mass movement. An individual lacking goals or power joins a movement or an organization, adopts its goals as his own, then works toward these goals. When some of the goals are attained, the individual, even though his personal efforts have played only an insignificant part in the attainment of the goals, feels through his identification with the movement or organization as if he had gone through the power process.

This phenomenon was exploited by the fascists, nazis and communists. Our society uses it, too, though less crudely. Example: Manuel Noriega was an irritant to the U. The U. Hence the widespread public approval of the Panama invasion; it gave people a sense of power. In particular, leftist movements tend to attract people who are seeking to satisfy their need for power. But for most people identification with a large organization or a mass movement does not fully satisfy the need for power. Another way in which people satisfy their need for the power process is through surrogate activities. For instance, there is no practical motive for building enormous muscles, hitting a little ball into a hole or acquiring a complete series of postage stamps.

Yet many people in our society devote themselves with passion to bodybuilding, golf or stamp collecting. That is why some people get very serious about essentially trivial activities such as sports, or bridge, or chess, or arcane scholarly pursuits, whereas others who are more clear-sighted never see these things as anything but the surrogate activities that they are, and consequently never attach enough importance to them to satisfy their need for the power process in that way.

Not a PURE surrogate activity, since part of the motive for the activity is to gain the physical necessities and for some people social status and the luxuries that advertising makes them want. But many people put into their work far more effort than is necessary to earn whatever money and status they require, and this extra effort constitutes a surrogate activity. This extra effort, together with the emotional investment that accompanies it, is one of the most potent forces acting toward the continual development and perfecting of the system, with negative consequences for individual freedom see paragraph Especially, for the most creative scientists and engineers, work tends to be largely a surrogate activity. This point is so important that is deserves a separate discussion, which we shall give in a moment paragraphs In this section we have explained how many people in modern society do satisfy their need for the power process to a greater or lesser extent.

But we think that for the majority of people the need for the power process is not fully satisfied. Others are not fully satisfied with surrogate activities or by identification with an organization see paragraphs 41, In the second place, too much control is imposed by the system through explicit regulation. Science and technology provide the most important examples of surrogate activities. But it is easy to see that neither of these can be the principle motive of most scientists.

Most scientists work on highly specialized problems that are not the object of any normal curiosity. For example, is an astronomer, a mathematician or an entomologist curious about the properties of isopropyltrimethylmethane? Of course not. Only a chemist is curious about such a thing, and he is curious about it only because chemistry is his surrogate activity. Is the chemist curious about the appropriate classification of a new species of beetle?

That question is of interest only to the entomologist, and he is interested in it only because entomology is his surrogate activity. Suppose that lack of funds for postgraduate education had led the chemist to become an insurance broker instead of a chemist. In that case he would have been very interested in insurance matters but would have cared nothing about isopropyltrimethylmethane. In any case it is not normal to put into the satisfaction of mere curiosity the amount of time and effort that scientists put into their work. Some scientific work has no conceivable relation to the welfare of the human race — most of archaeology or comparative linguistics for example. Some other areas of science present obviously dangerous possibilities.

Yet scientists in these areas are just as enthusiastic about their work as those who develop vaccines or study air pollution. Consider the case of Dr. Edward Teller, who had an obvious emotional involvement in promoting nuclear power plants. Did this involvement stem from a desire to benefit humanity? If he was such a humanitarian then why did he help to develop the H-bomb? As with many other scientific achievements, it is very much open to question whether.

Does the cheap electricity outweigh the accumulating waste and risk of accidents? Teller saw only one side of the question. The same is true of scientists generally. With possible rare exceptions, their motive is neither curiosity nor a desire to benefit humanity but the need to go through the power process: to have a goal a scientific problem to solve , to make an effort research and to attain the goal solution of the problem. Science is a surrogate activity because scientists work mainly for the fulfillment they get out of the work itself. Other motives do play a role for many scientists. Money and status for example. Some scientists may be persons of the type who have an insatiable drive for status see paragraph 79 and this may provide much of the motivation for their work.

No doubt the majority of scientists, like the majority of the general population, are more or less susceptible to advertising and marketing techniques and need money to satisfy their craving for goods and services. Thus science is not a PURE surrogate activity. But it is in large part a surrogate activity. Also, science and technology constitute a mass power movement, and many scientists gratify their need for power through identification with this mass movement see paragraph Thus science marches on blindly, without regard to the real welfare of the human race or to any other standard, obedient only to the psychological needs of the scientists and of the government officials and corporation executives who provide the funds for research.

We are going to argue that industrial-technological society cannot be reformed in such a way as to prevent it from progressively narrowing the sphere of human freedom. One does not have freedom if. It is important not to confuse freedom with mere permissiveness see paragraph It is said that we live in a free society because we have a certain number of constitutionally guaranteed rights. But these are not as important as they seem. The degree of personal freedom that exists in a society is determined more by the economic and technological structure of the society than by its laws or its form of government.

But in reading about these societies one gets the impression that they allowed far more personal freedom than our society does. Hence it was relatively easy to evade control. As for our constitutional rights, consider for example that of freedom of the press. But freedom of the press is of very little use to the average citizen as an individual. The mass media are mostly under the control of large organizations that are integrated into the system. Anyone who has a little money can have something printed, or can distribute it on the Internet or in some such way, but what he has to say will be swamped by the vast volume of material put out by the media, hence it will have no practical effect. To make an impression on society with words is therefore almost impossible for most individuals and small groups.

Take us FC for example. If we had never done anything violent and had submitted the present writings to a publisher, they probably would not have been accepted. Even if these writings had had many readers, most of these readers would soon have forgotten what they had read as their minds were flooded by the mass of material to which the media expose them. Constitutional rights are useful up to a point, but they do not serve to guarantee much more than what could be called the bourgeois conception of freedom. Thus the. This was clearly the attitude of Simon Bolivar. To him, people deserved liberty only if they used it to promote progress progress as conceived by the bourgeois.

Other bourgeois thinkers have taken a similar view of freedom as a mere means to collective ends. Chester C. By community Hu meant the whole society of the nation. But what kind of freedom does one have if one can use it only as someone else prescribes? The trouble with such theorists is that they have made the development and application of social theories their surrogate activity. Consequently the theories are designed to serve the needs of the theorists more than the needs of any people who may be unlucky enough to live in a society on which the theories are imposed.

One more point to be made in this section: It should not be assumed that a person has enough freedom just because he SAYS he has enough. Think of history as being the sum of two components: an erratic component that consists of unpredictable events that follow no discernible pattern, and a regular component that consists of long-term historical trends. The Eurocentric version of el barrio influenced the totality of urban public policy..

Diaz 4. Urbanization one of the struggles the Hispanic community in Los Angeles have been dealing with for awhile it has been more apparent over the years. Many of the communities that have been destroyed to build new shopping centers or luxury lofts are in areas like Echo Park and Downtown Los Angeles. The Great Mahele affected all the lands of Hawaii.

Because the whites wanted to have Hawaii become more like America, they influenced King Kamehameha III to change from feudal system to a system where people own their own land. This Great Mahele or Land Division causes a lot of political, social, and cultural changes that will be discussed later in this paper. Today, we also see how this Land Division is shown through how we have private ownership of land. John F.

Furthermore, racism in the U. Furthermore, shows how it was used to hold certain that social order during segregation and inequality for. Students will be required to read and evaluate the cultural and social factors of each monograph. Additionally students will assess the historiographical progression of cultural studies in American History. Princeton University Press, Although granted de facto White racial status with the United States conquest of much of Mexico in and having sometimes been deemed as White by the courts and censuses, Mexican Americans were rarely treated as White historically and legally, Mexicans have been treated as second-class citizens.

Within a few short decades after their conquest in the mid-nineteenth century, Mexican Americans, although officially granted United States citizenship with full rights, lost much of their property. Even though Brazil 's anti-racism laws target such incidents, which have long been considered un-Brazilian, subtle individual and institutional practices maintain and reproduce racial inequalities. Idiomatic racialized ways of thinking, in which racial hierarchies are accepted as natural, are as culturally embedded in Brazil as they are throughout the world. The statistics listed above have barely scratched the surface of racial inequality that pervades every corner of Brazil- especially evident in the favelas- that we have discussed extensively throughout the.

This bill was the first to place numerical quotas on immigration. It capped the inflow of immigrations to , ICE for those arriving outside of the western hemisphere.

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