How Did Muhammad Ali Influence Society

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How Did Muhammad Ali Influence Society



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The jester in him, she says, never disappeared, and he would join in the practical jokes on family members even as his faculties began to fade. Her son, Nico, became a boxer like his grandfather and aunt Laila. I just want freedom. The Observer Muhammad Ali. Muhammad Ali stands over fallen challenger Sonny Liston during their second bout in Lewiston, Maine in Edward Helmore. We need to separate sport and politics.

Read more. Reuse this content. He restructured the League along the lines of the Congress, putting most power in a Working Committee, which he appointed. Until the late s, most Muslims of the British Raj expected, upon independence, to be part of a unitary state encompassing all of British India, as did the Hindus and others who advocated self-government. Choudhary Rahmat Ali published a pamphlet in advocating a state "Pakistan" in the Indus Valley , with other names given to Muslim-majority areas elsewhere in India. Although many leaders of the Congress sought a strong central government for an Indian state, some Muslim politicians, including Jinnah, were unwilling to accept this without powerful protections for their community.

The failure of the Congress leadership to disavow Hindu communalists worried Congress-supporting Muslims. Nevertheless, the Congress enjoyed considerable Muslim support up to about Events which separated the communities included the failed attempt to form a coalition government including the Congress and the League in the United Provinces following the election. The Muslim League's claims that it alone could safeguard Muslim interests thus received a major boost. Significantly it was only after this period of Congress rule that it [the League] took up the demand for a Pakistan state Balraj Puri in his journal article about Jinnah suggests that the Muslim League president, after the vote, turned to the idea of partition in "sheer desperation".

Ahmed suggests that Jinnah abandoned hope of reconciliation with the Congress as he "rediscover[ed] his own Islamic roots, his own sense of identity, of culture and history, which would come increasingly to the fore in the final years of his life". There is only one way out. Muslims should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it, our demands are not going to be accepted.

People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. These demands relate to the defence of our national existence The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim League. And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims. Muhammad Iqbal , []. The well documented influence of Iqbal on Jinnah, with regard to taking the lead in creating Pakistan, has been described as "significant", "powerful" and even "unquestionable" by scholars. According to Akbar S. Ahmed , this began to change during Iqbal's final years prior to his death in Iqbal gradually succeeded in converting Jinnah over to his view, who eventually accepted Iqbal as his "mentor".

Ahmed comments that in his annotations to Iqbal's letters, Jinnah expressed solidarity with Iqbal's view: that Indian Muslims required a separate homeland. Iqbal's influence also gave Jinnah a deeper appreciation for Muslim identity. Jinnah not only began to echo Iqbal in his speeches, he started using Islamic symbolism and began directing his addresses to the underprivileged.

Ahmed noted a change in Jinnah's words: while he still advocated freedom of religion and protection of the minorities, the model he was now aspiring to was that of the Prophet Muhammad, rather than that of a secular politician. Ahmed further avers that those scholars who have painted the later Jinnah as secular have misread his speeches which, he argues, must be read in the context of Islamic history and culture.

Accordingly, Jinnah's imagery of the Pakistan began to become clear that it was to have an Islamic nature. This change has been seen to last for the rest of Jinnah's life. He continued to borrow ideas "directly from Iqbal—including his thoughts on Muslim unity, on Islamic ideals of liberty, justice and equality, on economics, and even on practices such as prayers". In a speech in , two years after the death of Iqbal, Jinnah expressed his preference for implementing Iqbal's vision for an Islamic Pakistan even if it meant he himself would never lead a nation.

Jinnah stated, "If I live to see the ideal of a Muslim state being achieved in India, and I was then offered to make a choice between the works of Iqbal and the rulership of the Muslim state, I would prefer the former. There were widespread protests in India. After meeting with Jinnah and with Gandhi, Linlithgow announced that negotiations on self-government were suspended for the duration of the war. Jinnah, on the other hand, was more willing to accommodate the British, and they in turn increasingly recognised him and the League as the representatives of India's Muslims.

I was treated on the same basis as Mr Gandhi. I was wonderstruck why I was promoted and given a place side by side with Mr Gandhi. With the British and Muslims to some extent co-operating, the Viceroy asked Jinnah for an expression of the Muslim League's position on self-government, confident that it would differ greatly from that of the Congress. To come up with such a position, the League's Working Committee met for four days in February to set out terms of reference to a constitutional sub-committee. The Working Committee asked that the sub-committee return with a proposal that would result in "independent dominions in direct relationship with Great Britain" where Muslims were dominant. The Lahore Resolution sometimes called the "Pakistan Resolution", although it does not contain that name , based on the sub-committee's work, embraced the Two-Nation Theory and called for a union of the Muslim-majority provinces in the northwest of British India, with complete autonomy.

Similar rights were to be granted to the Muslim-majority areas in the east, and unspecified protections given to Muslim minorities in other provinces. The resolution was passed by the League session in Lahore on 23 March Gandhi's reaction to the Lahore Resolution was muted; he called it "baffling", but told his disciples that Muslims, in common with other people of India, had the right to self-determination. Leaders of the Congress were more vocal; Jawaharlal Nehru referred to Lahore as "Jinnah's fantastic proposals" while Chakravarti Rajagopalachari deemed Jinnah's views on partition "a sign of a diseased mentality".

The Viceroy promised a representative body after the war to determine India's future, and that no future settlement would be imposed over the objections of a large part of the population. This was satisfactory to neither the Congress nor the League, though Jinnah was pleased that the British had moved towards recognising Jinnah as the representative of the Muslim community's interests. In the following months, the Japanese advanced in Southeast Asia, and the British Cabinet sent a mission led by Sir Stafford Cripps to try to conciliate the Indians and cause them to fully back the war.

Cripps proposed giving some provinces what was dubbed the "local option" to remain outside of an Indian central government either for a period of time or permanently, to become dominions on their own or be part of another confederation. The Muslim League was far from certain of winning the legislative votes that would be required for mixed provinces such as Bengal and Punjab to secede, and Jinnah rejected the proposals as not sufficiently recognising Pakistan's right to exist. The Congress also rejected the Cripps plan, demanding immediate concessions which Cripps was not prepared to give. The Congress followed the failed Cripps mission by demanding, in August , that the British immediately " Quit India ", proclaiming a mass campaign of satyagraha until they did.

The British promptly arrested most major leaders of the Congress and imprisoned them for the remainder of the war. Gandhi, however, was placed on house arrest in one of the Aga Khan's palaces prior to his release for health reasons in With the Congress leaders absent from the political scene, Jinnah warned against the threat of Hindu domination and maintained his Pakistan demand without going into great detail about what that would entail. Jinnah also worked to increase the League's political control at the provincial level. Two weeks of talks between them followed, which resulted in no agreement. Jinnah insisted on Pakistan being conceded prior to the British departure and to come into being immediately, while Gandhi proposed that plebiscites on partition occur sometime after a united India gained its independence.

When the Congress leadership were released from prison in June , they repudiated the agreement and censured Desai for acting without proper authority. In June , following the release of the Congress leaders, Wavell called for a conference , and invited the leading figures from the various communities to meet with him at Simla. He proposed a temporary government along the lines which Liaquat and Desai had agreed. However, Wavell was unwilling to guarantee that only the League's candidates would be placed in the seats reserved for Muslims.

All other invited groups submitted lists of candidates to the Viceroy. Wavell cut the conference short in mid-July without further seeking an agreement; with a British general election imminent, Churchill's government did not feel it could proceed. The League held influence at the provincial level in the Muslim-majority states mostly by alliance, and Jinnah believed that, given the opportunity, the League would improve its electoral standing and lend added support to his claim to be the sole spokesman for the Muslims. Wavell returned to India in September after consultation with his new masters in London; elections, both for the centre and for the provinces, were announced soon after. The British indicated that formation of a constitution-making body would follow the votes.

The Muslim League declared that they would campaign on a single issue: Pakistan. In February , the British Cabinet resolved to send a delegation to India to negotiate with leaders there. The highest-level delegation to try to break the deadlock, it arrived in New Delhi in late March. Little negotiation had been done since the previous October because of the elections in India. Matters such as defence, external relations and communications would be handled by a central authority. Provinces would have the option of leaving the union entirely, and there would be an interim government with representation from the Congress and the League. Jinnah and his Working Committee accepted this plan in June, but it fell apart over the question of how many members of the interim government the Congress and the League would have, and over the Congress's desire to include a Muslim member in its representation.

Before leaving India, the British ministers stated that they intended to inaugurate an interim government even if one of the major groups was unwilling to participate. The Congress soon joined the new Indian ministry. The League was slower to do so, not entering until October In agreeing to have the League join the government, Jinnah abandoned his demands for parity with the Congress and a veto on matters concerning Muslims. The new ministry met amid a backdrop of rioting, especially in Calcutta. Wavell attempted to save the situation by flying leaders such as Jinnah, Liaquat, and Jawaharlal Nehru to London in December At the end of the talks, participants issued a statement that the constitution would not be forced on any unwilling parts of India.

The Congress endorsed the joint statement from the London conference over the angry dissent from some elements. The League refused to do so, and took no part in the constitutional discussions. However, by December , he insisted on a fully sovereign Pakistan with dominion status. Following the failure of the London trip, Jinnah was in no hurry to reach an agreement, considering that time would allow him to gain the undivided provinces of Bengal and Punjab for Pakistan, but these wealthy, populous provinces had sizeable non-Muslim minorities, complicating a settlement. Beginning in December , British officials began looking for a viceregal successor to Wavell, and soon fixed on Admiral Lord Mountbatten of Burma , a war leader popular among Conservatives as the great-grandson of Queen Victoria and among Labour for his political views.

On 20 February , Attlee announced Mountbatten's appointment, and that Britain would transfer power in India not later than June Nehru stated in , "the truth is that we were tired men and we were getting on in years The plan for partition offered a way out and we took it. Mountbatten had been warned in his briefing papers that Jinnah would be his "toughest customer" who had proved a chronic nuisance because "no one in this country [India] had so far gotten into Jinnah's mind". The sessions began lightly when Jinnah, photographed between Louis and Edwina Mountbatten , quipped "A rose between two thorns" which the Viceroy took, perhaps gratuitously, as evidence that the Muslim leader had pre-planned his joke but had expected the vicereine to stand in the middle.

Jinnah feared that at the end of the British presence in the subcontinent, they would turn control over to the Congress-dominated constituent assembly, putting Muslims at a disadvantage in attempting to win autonomy. He demanded that Mountbatten divide the army prior to independence, which would take at least a year. Mountbatten had hoped that the post-independence arrangements would include a common defence force, but Jinnah saw it as essential that a sovereign state should have its own forces.

Mountbatten met with Liaquat the day of his final session with Jinnah, and concluded, as he told Attlee and the Cabinet in May, that "it had become clear that the Muslim League would resort to arms if Pakistan in some form were not conceded. On 2 June, the final plan was given by the Viceroy to Indian leaders: on 15 August, the British would turn over power to two dominions. The provinces would vote on whether to continue in the existing constituent assembly or to have a new one, that is, to join Pakistan. Bengal and Punjab would also vote, both on the question of which assembly to join, and on the partition. A boundary commission would determine the final lines in the partitioned provinces. Plebiscites would take place in the North-West Frontier Province which did not have a League government despite an overwhelmingly Muslim population , and in the majority-Muslim Sylhet district of Assam , adjacent to eastern Bengal.

Sylhet and the N. This request angered Mountbatten, who had hoped to have that position in both dominions—he would be India's first post-independence governor-general—but Jinnah felt that Mountbatten would be likely to favour the new Hindu-majority state because of his closeness to Nehru. In addition, the governor-general would initially be a powerful figure, and Jinnah did not trust anyone else to take that office. Although the Boundary Commission, led by British lawyer Sir Cyril Radcliffe , had not yet reported, there were already massive movements of populations between the nations-to-be, as well as sectarian violence. Jinnah arranged to sell his house in Bombay and procured a new one in Karachi. On 7 August, Jinnah, with his sister and close staff, flew from Delhi to Karachi in Mountbatten's plane, and as the plane taxied, he was heard to murmur, "That's the end of that.

You may belong to any religion or caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the State I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State. The Radcliffe Commission , dividing Bengal and Punjab, completed its work and reported to Mountbatten on 12 August; the last Viceroy held the maps until the 17th, not wanting to spoil the independence celebrations in both nations.

There had already been ethnically charged violence and movement of populations; publication of the Radcliffe Line dividing the new nations sparked mass migration, murder, and ethnic cleansing. Many on the "wrong side" of the lines fled or were murdered, or murdered others, hoping to make facts on the ground which would reverse the commission's verdict. Radcliffe wrote in his report that he knew that neither side would be happy with his award; he declined his fee for the work.

Among the restive regions of the new nation was the North-West Frontier Province. The referendum there in July had been tainted by low turnout as less than 10 per cent of the population were allowed to vote. Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan. The new Indian state, however, was slow to deliver, hoping for the collapse of the nascent Pakistani government, and reunion. Partition meant that for some farmers, the markets to sell their crops were on the other side of an international border.

There were shortages of machinery, not all of which was made in Pakistan. In addition to the massive refugee problem, the new government sought to save abandoned crops, establish security in a chaotic situation, and provide basic services. According to economist Yasmeen Niaz Mohiuddin in her study of Pakistan, "although Pakistan was born in bloodshed and turmoil, it survived in the initial and difficult months after partition only because of the tremendous sacrifices made by its people and the selfless efforts of its great leader. Most did so prior to independence, but the holdouts contributed to what have become lasting divisions between the two nations. Jodhpur bordered it and had both a Hindu majority population and a Hindu ruler. But the two states that were subject to the suzerainty of Junagadh— Mangrol and Babariawad —declared their independence from Junagadh and acceded to India.

In response, the nawab of Junagadh militarily occupied the two states. Subsequently, the Indian army occupied the principality in November, [] forcing its former leaders, including Bhutto, to flee to Pakistan, beginning the politically powerful Bhutto family. The most contentious of the disputes was, and continues to be, that over the princely state of Kashmir. It had a Muslim-majority population and a Hindu maharaja , Sir Hari Singh , who stalled his decision on which nation to join.

With the population in revolt in October , aided by Pakistani irregulars, the maharaja acceded to India ; Indian troops were airlifted in. Jinnah objected to this action, and ordered that Pakistani troops move into Kashmir. The Pakistani Army was still commanded by British officers, and the commanding officer, General Sir Douglas Gracey , refused the order, stating that he would not move into what he considered the territory of another nation without approval from higher authority, which was not forthcoming.

Jinnah withdrew the order. This did not stop the violence there, which broke into Indo-Pakistani War of Some historians allege that Jinnah's courting the rulers of Hindu-majority states and his gambit with Junagadh are evidence of ill-intent towards India, as Jinnah had promoted separation by religion, yet tried to gain the accession of Hindu-majority states. In January , the Indian government finally agreed to pay Pakistan its share of British India's assets. They were impelled by Gandhi, who threatened a fast until death.

Only days later, on 30 January, Gandhi was assassinated by Nathuram Godse , a Hindu nationalist, who believed that Gandhi was pro-Muslim. After hearing about Gandhi's murder on the following day, Jinnah publicly made a brief statement of condolence, calling Gandhi "one of the greatest men produced by the Hindu community". In February , in a radio talk broadcast addressed to the people of the US, [] Jinnah expressed his views regarding Pakistan's constitution to be in the following way:. The Constitution of Pakistan is yet to be framed by the Pakistan Constituent Assembly, I do not know what the ultimate shape of the constitution is going to be, but I am sure that it will be of a democratic type, embodying the essential principles of Islam.

Today these are as applicable in actual life as these were years ago. Islam and its idealism have taught us democracy. It has taught equality of man, justice and fair play to everybody. We are the inheritors of these glorious traditions and are fully alive to our responsibilities and obligations as framers of the future constitution of Pakistan. In March, Jinnah, despite his declining health, made his only post-independence visit to East Pakistan. In a speech before a crowd estimated at ,, Jinnah stated in English that Urdu alone should be the national language, believing a single language was needed for a nation to remain united.

The Bengali-speaking people of East Pakistan strongly opposed this policy, and in the official language issue was a factor in the region's secession to form the country of Bangladesh. From the s, Jinnah suffered from tuberculosis ; only his sister and a few others close to him were aware of his condition. Jinnah believed public knowledge of his lung ailments would hurt him politically. In a letter, he wrote to a supporter that "you must have read in the papers how during my tours I suffered, which was not because there was anything wrong with me, but the irregularities [of the schedule] and over-strain told upon my health". He worked in a frenzy to consolidate Pakistan.

And, of course, he totally neglected his health As his health got worse, he took longer and longer rest breaks in the private wing of Government House in Karachi, where only he, Fatima and the servants were allowed. In June , he and Fatima flew to Quetta , in the mountains of Balochistan, where the weather was cooler than in Karachi. He could not completely rest there, addressing the officers at the Command and Staff College saying, "you, along with the other Forces of Pakistan, are the custodians of the life, property and honour of the people of Pakistan. A reception by the Canadian trade commissioner that evening in honour of Dominion Day was the last public event he attended.

On 6 July , Jinnah returned to Quetta, but at the advice of doctors, soon journeyed to an even higher retreat at Ziarat. Jinnah had always been reluctant to undergo medical treatment, but realising his condition was getting worse, the Pakistani government sent the best doctors it could find to treat him. Tests confirmed tuberculosis, and also showed evidence of advanced lung cancer. He was treated with the new "miracle drug" of streptomycin , but it did not help.

Jinnah's condition continued to deteriorate despite the Eid prayers of his people. He was moved to the lower altitude of Quetta on 13 August, the eve of Independence Day , for which a ghost-written statement for him was released. Despite an increase in appetite he then weighed just over 36 kilograms or 79 pounds , it was clear to his doctors that if he was to return to Karachi in life, he would have to do so very soon. Jinnah, however, was reluctant to go, not wishing his aides to see him as an invalid on a stretcher. By 9 September, Jinnah had also developed pneumonia. Doctors urged him to return to Karachi, where he could receive better care, and with his agreement, he was flown there on the morning of 11 September.

Ilahi Bux, his personal physician, believed that Jinnah's change of mind was caused by foreknowledge of death. The plane landed at Karachi that afternoon, to be met by Jinnah's limousine, and an ambulance into which Jinnah's stretcher was placed. The ambulance broke down on the road into town, and the Governor-General and those with him waited for another to arrive; he could not be placed in the car as he could not sit up.

They waited by the roadside in oppressive heat as trucks and buses passed by, unsuitable for transporting the dying man and with their occupants not knowing of Jinnah's presence. After an hour, the replacement ambulance came, and transported Jinnah to Government House, arriving there over two hours after the landing. Jinnah died later that night at pm at his home in Karachi on 11 September at the age of 71, just over a year after Pakistan's creation. I have been very angry with him often during the past years.

But now there is no bitterness in my thought of him, only a great sadness for all that has been Today, Jinnah rests in a large marble mausoleum, Mazar-e-Quaid , in Karachi. In the presidential election , Fatima Jinnah, by then known as Madar-e-Millat "Mother of the Nation" , became the presidential candidate of a coalition of political parties that opposed the rule of President Ayub Khan , but was not successful.

The Jinnah House in Malabar Hill , Bombay, is in the possession of the Government of India , but the issue of its ownership has been disputed by the Government of Pakistan. There are proposals for the house to be offered to the government of Pakistan to establish a consulate in the city as a goodwill gesture, but Dina Wadia had also staked claim on the property. After Jinnah died, his sister Fatima asked the court to execute Jinnah's will under Shia Islamic law. Vali Nasr says Jinnah "was an Ismaili by birth and a Twelver Shia by confession, though not a religiously observant man. But in the court rejected Walji's claim that Jinnah was Sunni; effectively accepting him as a Shia.

In a high court bench reversed the verdict and maintained that "the Quaid was definitely not a Shia", which suggested that Jinnah was Sunni. Merchant, Jinnah's grandnephew, writes that "the Quaid was not a Shia; he was also not a Sunni, he was simply a Muslim". Jinnah admired Kemal Ataturk , and it is reported that he talked of nothing but Ataturk to his daughter Dina, who was 13 at that time, for many days.

Jinnah professed to be a Muslim. Jinnah's legacy is Pakistan. Pakistan owes its very existence to his drive, tenacity, and judgment Jinnah's importance in the creation of Pakistan was monumental and immeasurable. In India there will not easily arrive another Gandhi, nor in Pakistan another Jinnah. The rocky road to democracy in Pakistan and the relatively smooth one in India can in some measure be ascribed to Pakistan's tragedy of losing an incorruptible and highly revered leader so soon after independence.

His birthday is observed as a national holiday , Quaid-e-Azam Day , in Pakistan. His other title is Baba-i-Qaum Father of the Nation. The former title was reportedly given to Jinnah at first by Mian Ferozuddin Ahmed. It became an official title by effect of a resolution passed on 11 August by Liaquat Ali Khan in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly. There are some sources which endorse that Gandhi gave him that title. The civil awards of Pakistan includes an 'Order of Quaid-i-Azam'. The Jinnah Society also confers the 'Jinnah Award' annually to a person that renders outstanding and meritorious services to Pakistan and its people. The royalist government of Iran also released a stamp commemorating the centennial of Jinnah's birth in There is a considerable amount of scholarship on Jinnah which stems from Pakistan; according to Akbar S.

Ahmed , it is not widely read outside the country and usually avoids even the slightest criticism of Jinnah. Ahmed suggests that depicting the Quaid drinking would weaken Jinnah's Islamic identity, and by extension, Pakistan's. Some sources allege he gave up alcohol near the end of his life. According to historian Ayesha Jalal , while there is a tendency towards hagiography in the Pakistani view of Jinnah, in India he is viewed negatively. In India, many see him as the demon who divided the land. Seervai assert that Jinnah never wanted the partition of India—it was the outcome of the Congress leaders being unwilling to share power with the Muslim League. They contend that Jinnah only used the Pakistan demand in an attempt to mobilise support to obtain significant political rights for Muslims.

In judging Jinnah, we must remember what he was up against. He had against him not only the wealth and brains of the Hindus, but also nearly the whole of British officialdom, and most of the Home politicians, who made the great mistake of refusing to take Pakistan seriously. Never was his position really examined. Jinnah was the central figure of the film Jinnah , which was based on Jinnah's life and his struggle for the creation of Pakistan. Christopher Lee , who portrayed Jinnah, called his performance the best of his career.

The book received positive reception in Pakistan. Jinnah of Pakistan by Stanley Wolpert is regarded as one of the best biographical books on Jinnah. The view of Jinnah in the West has been shaped to some extent by his portrayal in Sir Richard Attenborough 's film, Gandhi. The film was dedicated to Nehru and Mountbatten and was given considerable support by Nehru's daughter, the Indian prime minister, Indira Gandhi. It portrays Jinnah played by Alyque Padamsee in an unflattering light, who seems to act out of jealousy of Gandhi. Padamsee later stated that his portrayal was not historically accurate. Moore wrote that Jinnah is universally recognised as central to the creation of Pakistan.

Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all three. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Founder and 1st Governor-General of Pakistan. For other uses, see Jinnah disambiguation. Quaid-e-Azam Baba-i-Qaum. Emibai Jinnah.

Rattanbai Petit. This article is part of a series about. See also: Jinnah family. Further information: Indian independence movement and Pakistan movement. Main article: Pakistan Movement. Main article: Lahore Resolution. Main article: Partition of India. See also: List of things named after Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Jinnah's portraits on the stamps of Turkmenistan and Iran. Karachi did not then issue birth certificates, no record was kept by his family birth dates being of little importance to Muslims of the time , and his school records reflect a birth date of 20 October See Bolitho , p.

He was also sessional president in , , and from until his death in See Jalal , p. Archived from the original on 7 October Retrieved 3 July But most historians and biographers go along with the official line A Brief History of India. Infobase Publishing. ISBN The Friday Times. Archived from the original on 17 November Retrieved 13 September India Guide Gujarat. Indian Guide Publications. In , Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the son of an affluent Gujarati merchant from Kathiawad, joined the League after leaving the Congress due to disagreements with Gandhiji.

Jinnah, whose fluency in his mother-tongue of Gujarati was limited, objected to the suggestion. Retrieved 26 May Lincoln's Inn. Retrieved 17 August Encyclopedia Pakistanica , p. Qadir Printers, Karachi. Gulf News. Retrieved 13 August Retrieved 13 January Archived from the original on 27 January Retrieved 20 April Retrieved 10 September The Independent. History Today. Retrieved 26 October Retrieved 31 October Iqbal wrote several letters to Jinnah in persuading him to take the lead in creating Pakistan These correspondences would change the way Jinnah would look at the issue of a separate homeland for Muslims.

Kenworthy, Leonard Leaders of New Nations. Garden City, N. Iqbal's influence was perhaps the most powerful in Jinnah's decision to support the partition Iqbal, Khurshid Routledge Research in Human Rights Law. Jinnah's views were significantly influenced by the ideas of Muhammad Iqbal Khan, Zamir 30 June The Dialogue. Religion and Politics in Pakistan: — Iqbal's correspondence with Jinnah also played an important role in formulating his course of action "The Concept". Pakistani Periodicals. Certainly these views influenced Mr Jinnah to declare urgently a solid solution to the Indian constitutional problem by projecting Muslims as a separate body Naik, Vasant Jinnah: A Political Study.

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